Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2010 with funding from Multicultural Canada; University of Toronto Libraries http://www.archive.org/details/canadahongkongup113join s. CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE SPRING 1990 Introducing the Research Project: Goals and Directions by Diana Lary Toronto Hong Kong is becoming increasingly significant for Canada. During the last decade, trade with China, for which Hong Kong is the major entrepot, has increased. The desire to leave Hong Kong before the territory's return to Chinese sovereignty in 1997 has made Canada an ever more important immigration destination. In 1989, 19,994 people landed in Canada from Hong Kong, almost half the people who left the territory; similar figures are expected for the foreseeable future. Canada's long involvement and fascination with China has been reflected in the academic world by serious study of the country and our relationship with it. This study has focused on China as a whole, with very little attention to Hong Kong as a discrete territory. Though the territory has always been predominantly Chinese, recent developments mean that it must now be treated as a distinct entity. Immigration from Hong Kong is having a major impact on Canada. There are significant settlement issues, as a large, well qualified and relatively affluent group of immigrants comes in; this is a change from the traditional pattern of start-at-the- bottom migration. The growth in the size and sophistication of the Chinese Canadian community is also likely to have an impact on our relations with China as this group of people makes its voice heard; in last year's demonstrations over the Chinese student movement and the Peking Massacre, the Chinese Canadian community played a leading role. On another plane, the unprecedented return of millions of people to an authoritarian government raises concerns over citizenship, human rights and legal issues in Hong Kong. These will assume considerable importance both in light of Canada's traditional concern for such issues, and the large numbers of people here with close personal connections to Hong Kong. These issues require serious, objective academic study, especially in a climate which is sometimes overheated. The unfolding situation also needs to be monitored regularly, in order to analyse it in terms of Canadian interests, and to provide a running record of a fluid situation. This is the first of the project's tri-annual updates on Hong Kong and Canada, which will cover some topics (viz immigration, trade, settlement) at regular intervals, and others as they arise. Material for the updates is provided by a number of correspondents in Canada, the United States, Hong Kong, China and the United Kingdom. The project will also sponsor a series of academic workshops, coordinated by Canadian researchers, which will produce short, readable publications on specialised topics. The overall intention of the project is to provide objective, consistent information which may be useful in ensuring that Canadian involvement with Hong Kong develops as smoothly and as beneficially as possible. References to materials on all aspects of the Canada-Hong Kong relations are being collected from many Canadian, American, British and Hong Kong sources to be stored in a bibliographic database in the project office. In This Issue... Visa Students in Ontario Immigration Statistics Democratization in Hong Kong The Basic Law Explicated per F1029.5 H6 C36 Immigration Statistics by Diana Lary Toronto Over the past two years, the number of immigration applications received at the Canadian Commission in Hong Kong has risen steeply, from 15,334 in 1988 to 29,584 in 1989. The unsetUing effect of the Tiananmen Massacre in Peking on June 4th, 1989 on Hong Kong shows up clearly: Quarter Applications 1988 First 3,456 Second 3,615 Third 5,161 Fourth 3,102 Total 15,334 1989 First 3,837 Second 4,765 Third 12,750 Fourth 8,232 Total 29,584 These are formal applications; they run well below pre- application questionnaires (PAQ), the first sign of interest in emigration to Canada, of which there were 42,052 in 1988 and 45,229 in 1989. No fee is payable for a PAQ; many people who feel after they have submitted a PAQ that they are unlikely to be accepted as immigrants do not proceed to submit a formal application. There is often a considerable time lag between making an application and (for the successful) being issued a visa. The length of the lag depends on the case load of immigration officers, and the relative priority of the class under which a person is applying. Very few of the applications made in 1989 will yet have resulted in visas being issued. One way of avoiding the lengthy waiting period for processing at the Commission in Hong Kong is to make an application at another Canadian immigration office abroad. The major country in which such applications are likely to be made is the United States. In 1988, 722 applications were screened at Canadian consulates for people whose last country of permanent residence was Hong Kong; in 1989 the figure was 1287. Between 1988 and 1989 the number of visas issued rose slightly. The types of successful applicants changed significantly. In 1988 independent immigrants (people accepted on the strength of their qualifications under the point system) accounted for 54.5% of visas issued, in Hong Kong and at other posts, to people whose country of last permanent residence was Hong Kong (CLPR Hong Kong); in 1989 that proportion fell to 41.4%. Some of the difference can be explained in terms of an expansion of the independent class in 1987, which allowed some people previously ineligible to apply. By 1989 the bulge had passed through system. The business classes (entrepreneurs, investors and self-employed), the groups which have received most publicity in Canada remained stable; in 1988 they accounted for 23.8%of visas issued, in 1989 22.9%. Family class v (direct dependents and close relatives) grew in importance from 13.7% in 1988 to 22.9% in 1989. It is likely that a substantial proportion of retired applicants also have relatives in Canada. Visas issued, by class. CLPR Hong Kong. 1988-1989 CLASS 1988 1989 Family 2,467 3,858 Conv. refugee 12* Designated 74 1,121* Retired 1,494 1,699 Assisted relative 623 1,669 Entrepreneurs 4,490 4,210 Investors 699 1,132 Self-employed 173 206 Independent 12,353 9,993 Not-stated 103 232 Total 22,476 24,132 * Vietnamese refugees The change in composition of successful visa applicants is accentuated when the pass rates are examined. From 1988 to 1989 they shifted only slightly in most classes, but declined sharply in the independent class. Pass rate, by class. CLPR Hong Kong. 1988-1989 CLASS 1988 1989 Family 89.5 95.2 Conv. refugee - 100.0 Designated 72.3 75.9 Retired 83.6 81.5 Assisted relative 76.3 81.1 Entrepreneurs 86.1 71.6 Investors 94.1 79.5 Self-employed 92.2 62.8 Independent 70.9 43.3 Total 77.3 74.4 After being accepted as an immigrant, a person has up to a year in which to arrange STATS ■ page 5 2 UPDATE CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Editors Diana Lory Stephanie Gould Illustration Joe Burdzy Design Stephanie Gould Contributors Philip Calvert Ho-yin Cheung Harriet Clompus Keung-sing Ho Tan Xiaobing Chow Ying Wong Canada and Hong Kong Update is published three times a year by the Canada and Hong Kong Project, Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, Suite 200K, Administrative Studies Bldg. York University, 4700 Keele St., North York, Ontario, CANADA M3J 1P3 Telephone: (416) 736-5784 Fax: (416) 736-5687 CANADA AND HONG KONG PROJECT Director Coordinator Advisory Board Diana Lary Stephanie Gould Denise Chong Eh. Bernie Frolic John Higginbolham Dr. T.G. McGee Graeme McDonald Jules Nadeau Dr. William Saywell Dr. Wang Gungwu We want to thank the Donner Canadian Foundation for its very generous support which has made this project possible. The Foundation's long-standing interest in Canada's international relations with Asia has enabled us to conduct research which we consider to be of great significance for the future of the country. In the Next Issue... Status Dislocation for Immigrants Interview with Author Sky Lee Torontians Responses to Tiananmen 1997 and Emigration in Hong Kong by Lau Siu-kai and Wan Po-san Hong Kong The increasing exodus Despite the promise of the Chinese Government and constitutional measures designed to maintain the existing social structure and lifestyles of Hong Kong under the formula "one country, two systems" for fifty years after 1997, the scheduled return of Hong Kong to China has driven an increasing number of Hong Kong people to obtain a foreign passport or right of abode in a foreign country. From 1980 to 1986, people emigrated at around 20,000 a year. The annual outflow of emigrants rose to approximately 30,000 in 1987 and 46,000 in 1988. The most popular destination countries are Canada, the United States of America and Australia 1987 1988 Total 22.300 19.000 Canada 7380 5.893 Australia* 4.610 4.940 L'iA." 8.530 7.473 30.000 45300 16.170 22.802 6.420 9^30 8.517 11,394 Source: Hong Kong Government ' ■ task force on 9 September 1989; Nia Uagaau. 15 Much 1990. 'Number of migrants residing in Australia. "By March, the Hong Kong backlog amounted to nearly 50,000 If any of the reform billi before the United Stares Congress can be legislated, the outflow of Hong Kong people to the States will increase accordingly. In view of Hong Kong's return to Chinese sovereignty after 1997, people are watching the sociopolitical situation of the mainland and the words and deeds of the Chinese political leaders closely. The June 4 Tiananmen Square massacre, the subsequent political crackdown on the pro-democracy movement and the tough economic austerity programme in China, and the promulgation of the final draft of the Basic Law have significantly depressed Hong Kong people's confidence in the territory's future. The number of people inquiring and applying for emigration visas has drastically increased. Nevertheless, given the present immigration regulations of major host countries and the time required to process applications, the number of people leaving the territory in the next two or three years is expected to be between 55,000 and 60,000 a year. In the meantime, emigration- linked investment companies and schemes are increasing and creating a growing passport market for those who are desperate to get a second passport but cannot meet the selection criteria of major host countries. Many second-rung countries have joined in to cash in on the capital and brain drain from the territory. Some (e.g. Singapore and South Africa) have eased their migration regulations to lure capital and professionals and skilled workers, while others (e.g. Tonga and Belize) are simply "selling" passports. Anticipating the setup of the common market of the European Economic Community in 1992, the latest trend in the passport market is to buy property in Portugal and Spain and then apply for residency. The international safety net The rising trend to emigration has a potentially catastrophic impact on the prosperity and stability of the territory and has become one of the major social concerns. On the one hand, owing to the immigration policies of the host countries, the majority of emigrants are either the well-off (who are usually qualified to emigrate by investing no less than CS 150,000 in the host country), or key personnel in the labour force (who can meet the visa criteria of independent migrants and who are mainly highly educated, young, professional, technical, managerial and administrative workers). In 1988, the capital outflow to Canada alone amounted to CS2.4 billion. Degree holders made up 15% of the emigrants while only 3.5% of the population had this level of UPDATE 3 1997 and Emigration From page 3 educational attainment. Of all employed emigrants, 33.6% were professional and technical workers, 16.2% were administrative and managerial workers, as compared to 7.4% and 3.8% respectively of the labour force was in these occupational categories. Surveys of professional associations published in the past few months illustrated further the seriousness of brain drain - e.g. 85% of the local members of the Royal Institute of Chartered Surveyors, 80% of the members of the Hong Kong Society of Accountants, and 60% of the members of the Law Society expressed their intention to leave the territory. The accelerating outflow of emigrants not only would threaten the economy, increase the emigration propensity of those staying behind, but also would dampen the morale and confidence of those who do not want to or cannot qualify to emigrate. In view of the alarming problem and its negative effects on the territory, collective efforts have been made by the Government and the private sector (especially the business leaders) to help arrest the worsening brain drain and boost confidence in the run-up to 1997. For example, studies have been commissioned to examine the impact of emigration and possible strategies for retaining key personnel of the labour force. Campaigns have been launched to lobby foreign countries for granting passports or right of abode for Hong Kong people. Emigrant businessmen and professionals have been encouraged to return to Hong Kong after gaining the security of a second passport. An unprecedented expansion of infrastructural development and higher education are planned. The foci and strategies of these campaigns are shaped by two prevailing viewpoints. In the first place, a healthy economy is regarded as the key to the future of Hong Kong. As a result, the rationale adopted by the lobbyists, especially the business leaders and overseas Chambers of Commerce, is generally based on the bilateral economic interests between the destination country and the territory. The anxiety, helplessness and the future of the general public are deemed to be of less significance than the maintenance of economic prosperity by retaining key personnel of the labour force. In the second place, the major objective is to secure an exit route for insurance instead of immediate escape. This in fact coincides with the dilemma of Hong Kong people. On the one hand, people generally distrust the Chinese government, lack confidence in Hong Kong's future and are desperate for a foreign passport. On the other hand, apart from the difficulties of adaptation, it is quite common for emigrants (particularly professional, managerial and administrative workers) to experience downward social mobility in destination countries. Hence people generally want a passport to stay more than a passport to leave. In a similar vein, the length of residency required by the immigration regulations of host countries (called by Hong Kong people as "emigrant imprisonment") is one of the major concerns in considering the destination of emigration. Restoring the right of abode in Britain is thus not only regarded by the concerned parties in Hong Kong as the moral and legal responsibility of the British Government for all of the 3.25 million Hong Kong British passport holders, it is also seen to be the first necessary step to lobby other countries to offer similar "delayed action" passport schemes (packages that do not require the passport holder to relocate immediately to qualify), thereby constructing an international safety net for Hong Kong people should needs arise. In this connection, the changes to the Singaporean immigration policy made last July are a significant breakthrough. Right of abode will be granted to / 25,000 Hong Kong skilled workers. Successful applicants have up to five years to relocate in Singapore. By February, 20,038 people had applied and 16,691 applications have been approved. Yet the nationality package proposed by the British Government to grant British passports to a selected 50,000 Hong Kong residents and their dependents (a total of about 225,000 beneficiaries) has become a matter of controversy. In Britain, it might still be rejected or substantially revised by Parliament and repealed later by the Labour Party when it is in power [ihe bill has since been passed]. In Hong Kong, due to the limited quota of the package, a majority of people will still be excluded from the scheme. Under the proposed selection criteria, priority is to be given to those who probably are qualified to obtain other foreign passports. Therefore, the package is likely to be socially divisive and may thus intensify the confidence crisis. To the Chinese Government, the package and the internationalization of the Hong Kong issue have made Beijing lose face. China also sees a conspiracy of the British Government either to retain her influence on the territory after 1997, or to destabilize the Special Administrative Region (SAR) by draining its talent. After the June 4 event, Chinese officials have taken a tough stance on the nationality issue of Hong Kong. They oppose the plan fiercely because if an increasing number of foreign passports are granted to 4 UPDATE From page 4 Hong Kong people without the requirement of residency, then after 1997 Hong Kong might become a place administered by people of foreign nationalities. If these foreign passport holders stay in Hong Kong after 1997, their loyalty to China will be held in suspicion. If they choose to leave on the eve of the takeover, which is very likely according to the findings of opinion surveys, the functioning of the territory may be jeopardized. Both possible outcomes will undoubtedly be to the detriment of the interests of China. In responding to the right of abode issue, the Chinese Government has imposed more nationality restrictions on key government officials and legislators of the SAR; stressed the contradiction between the package and the nationality law of China (which does not recognize dual nationality, does not recognize foreign passports obtained without residence requirements, regards all Hong Kong people residing in the territory as Chinese nationals unless they have renounced their Chinese nationality, and forbids state employers to renounce their Chinese nationality); and emphasized the point that passports issued under the scheme will not be recognized by the Chinese Government. Besides, it is expected that one- third of the quota of the package will be allocated to civil servants, the backbone of the government bureaucracy. While the package is not accepted by the Chinese Government, a nationality and loyalty dilemma for civil servants, whose present terms of employment do not restrict them from holding foreign passports, may thus be created. By and large, the accelerating trend of emigration has affected the function and development of the territory. Yet it is its seriousness that prompts the British and Chinese Governments to take measures to deal with the problem. Nevertheless, major efforts carried out to stem brain drain might at best serve their purpose to anchor people in Hong Kong up to or before 1997. Without any firm structural assurance of the autonomy of the territory and the establishment of mutual understanding and trust between China and Hong Kong (and assuming that the favourite host countries continue to receive immigrants from Hong Kong), these efforts might only delay the problem of emigration instead of solving it. / Immigration Stats From page 2 departure for Canada. Landings in Canada therefore include many people who were approved the year before. Total landings for 1988 were 23,286, for 1989 19,994. The decline in independent immigrants shows up again - 8,669 of 19,994 (43.36%) in 1989, as opposed to 13,739 of 23,286 (59%) in 1988. Immigrants, bv class CLPR Hong Kong. 1988-1989 CLASS 1988 1989 Family 3,045 3,180 Conv. refugee 3 Designated 52 887 Retired 1,231 1,449 Asst. rel. 742 810 Entrepren. 3,872 3,933 Investors 472 888 Self-employed 133 175 Independent 13,739 8,669 Total 23,286 19,994 In terms of destination, patterns of immigrant landings from Hong Kong were stable. In 1988, 58.07% of immigrants were destined for Ontario (13,523), in 1989, 53.98% (10,793). In 1988, 22.27% (5,185) went to British Columbia, in 1989, 23.82% (4,763). There was a rise in landings in Quebec: in 1988 the province accounted for 5.93% (1,380) of Hong Kong immigrants, in 1989, 9.78% (1,956). Immigrants (by province) 1988 1989 Alberta 2,257 1,668 B.C. 5,185 4,763 Manitoba 409 290 New Brunswick 33 49 Newfoundland 30 30 NWT 7 9 Nova Scotia 63 84 Ontario 13,523 10,793 PEI 5 8 Quebec 1,380 1,956 Saskatchewan 390 344 Yukon 4 Total 23,286 19,994 Within each province, movement was overwhelmingly to the major cities: in 1988, Toronto accounted for 1 1 ,779 of the 13,523 landings in Ontario, in 1989 for 9,010 of 10,793; in 1988, 4,962 of 5,185 landings in British Columbia were in Vancouver, in 1989 4,520 of 4,763. All statistics used have been supplied to us by the Department of Employment and Immigration, Hull. We are most grateful for this assistance, and for the speed at which statistics have been made available. UPDATE 5 Adjusting to Life in Canada: Visa Students in Ontario by Stephanie Gould Toronto "In the late 1970s and early 1980s, a large number of the students who studied abroad returned to Hong Kong to live and work after the completion of their studies; but in recent years, there are indications that more and more are not returning, probably out of personal or family concern for 1997." Bernard Hung-kay Luk, "Education" in The Other Hong Kong Report, 1989. In 1989, more of Hong Kong's students chose to study abroad than ever before and more chose to study in Canada than in any other country. Last year, 5,096 students from Hong Kong obtained visas to study in Canadian secondary and post- secondary institutions, an increase of 34 percent over 1988. Students from the territory now make up the largest group of foreign students in Canada, with a total of about 14,000. Like all others studying in Canada on a visa, students from Hong Kong must return to their own country. While they may not be choosing to emigrate when they obtain a visa, the numbers alone indicate that the approach of 1997 is making studying abroad an attractive idea. Articles and advertisements about educational opportunities in Canada and elsewhere abound in Hong Kong's newspapers and magazines. But the most reliable place to get information on education abroad is The Hang Seng Bank which provides a non-profit Education Advisory Service. The bank keeps its information on Canada current by maintaining close ties with provincial trade representatives in Hong Kong and educational bodies here. Ms. Corina Tsang, a senior student counsellor at the bank, is quoted in the South China Morning Post, March 8, 1990, as saying "the low cost of tuition for foreign students is a major attraction [to Canada]." But- few students are prepared for what they encounter in Canadian schools and universities. "Actually when I think about it, I didn't have very much preparation," said Evelyn Man, a Ph.D. student at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. "I knew very little about everything in Canada. Before you come the Canadian consulate arranges some sort of a briefing session in which you can ask questions. But actually you don't even know which questions to ask." Man is determined to return to her country to live and work, but she doesn't know whether she will stay after 1997. She describes herself as committed to the territory despite apprehensions about its future. "Be prepared for a much freer kind of atmosphere," said Man when asked if she has any advice for students in Hong Kong who are considering studying in Canada. "I don't think a lot of Hong Kong students are trained to cope with a very free system. I mean, if you're going to read a book you choose your own, but only within a very small range. So learn to take more initiative, try to find things out for yourself." Man describes the school system in Hong Kong as very "exam oriented" and academically competitive, but she says in many ways their academic training puts students from the territory at an advantage in Canada. Many students from Hong Kong are choosing to come to Canada in the transition stage between secondary and post- secondary education. Even though Hong Kong has been a British colony and most students attend Anglo-Chinese schools, the first challenge for most students on arrival in Canada is to learn English well enough to qualify for university entrance. In Hong Kong, while "primary education is mostly in Chinese, and secondary education is mostly in English," students and teachers have great difficulty with the transition, writes Bernard Luk in The Other Hong Kong Report. The result is that in Anglo-Chinese schools, textbooks and exams are in English, but Cantonese is spoken in the classroom, he explains. Jane Sims, English as a Second Language (ESL) teacher at Sir Sandford Fleming Secondary School in North York, Ontario, where 72 percent of visa students are from Hong Kong, says that they are very dedicated to their school work. "In spite of homesickness and culture shock and goodness knows what difficulties with the language, they work extremely hard and the success rate is very high." Tarn Goossen, School Trustee for the Toronto Board of Education who came from Hong Kong 20 years ago, says visa students from Hong Kong also do well socially in the Canadian system at the secondary school level. She described "one group of visa students [who] took on the Christmas party and fundraising. They've put on functions that include the whole student body and have provided leadership in the school." But she stressed that some students need more assistance adapting to life here. "You also hear stories of kids who are so lonely they don't know what to do with themselves." To make it easier for visa students to adapt to life in Canada and our school system, Goossen would like to see more information about Canada available to students and their parents before they leave the 6 UPDATE territory. "People in Hong Kong really don't know any details about how the education system works here. They don't know that we have all these different high schools. So, we're asking for a pamphlet that can explain the system better." When students arrive in Canada, Goossen believes more should be done to help them adjust to their new life. "We're trying to encourage them to come two weeks earlier in the summer. And then we'll provide them with an orientation course, combined with ESL. We're looking into doing that, but we can't do it this year. We might do it next year." Both Sims and Goossen are concerned about some students under the age .of 16 who appear to be living in Canada without a guardian. Under Canadian immigration regulations, students younger than 13 are not granted visas on the grounds that they are too young to be away from their families, while students under 16 must have a guardian living here. "A lot of times, the people in Hong Kong will just give you a name of a relative here and, really, a name only." When faced with an emergency situation, social workers with the Toronto board have experienced difficulty reaching people named as guardians, said Goossen. "They have had to call Hong Kong on a number of occasions to find the parents to tell them what's happening." She says another problem is that the social worker responsible for visa students is only on a ten month contract "It's not easy for them [students from Hong Kong] to make friends outside the school situation. So, they get very lonely. And a lot of them live in rooming houses, contrary to all that myth about rich Hong Kong students. And then when the summer comes, it's even worse. They can't work. And I don't think many of them can really manage to go back to Hong Kong to visit. So they're here!" She and other members of the Toronto Board "have been trying to figure out a way to make it really clear" that students under 16 must have a guardian living in Canada. "One relative suggested that we should tie it in with immigration. Back in Hong Kong, the parents should accompany the children when they get a visa." In addition, she thinks guardians should be required to attend an interview when the student registers at the school he or she will attend in Toronto. Goossen says "visa students tend to be neglected in the system because they don't have a spokesperson. They don't have the same rights that most Canadians enjoy. All immigrants are eventually voters, so they manage to have a voice. But visa students have no status." Sims would like to help young students living on their own here, but she doesn't want to take any action that would jeopardize their chances of continuing their studies in Canada. She gives her home telephone number to students. "I don't think children should be living alone and not have an adult's number that they can call if they have a fire." Sims would like to see more students from Hong Kong able to return to Canada to live and work once they have completed their education. "People from Hong Kong are leaving not because they want to come to Canada, but because they are leaving a bad situation. A lot of immigrants leave against their will; certainly no refugee ever wants to come. But once the students are here, they would love to come back. I have any number of students who would love to come to Canada, but unless their family has money [they are unable to return] which strikes me as very unfortunate because once we've educated them in Canada it seems a shame to loose them." Citizenship Law Explained by Chi-Kun Shi Toronto Hong Kong citizenship law is stipulated by a series of British legislation as it relates to nationality in Briush colonies. Under the British Nationality Act, 1948, all citizens of the United Kingdom and Colonies (CUKC) are British subjects. They enjoy the right to enter and reside in Britain in addition to their rights as a citizen of the particular colony where they live as well as travelling convenience within the Commonwealth. CUKC may be secured by birth, by descent from a CUKC on the paternal side, by marriage, in case of women, to a male CUKC or by naturalization after five years of residence in the colony. The structure of the 1948 Act has been maintained throughout subsequent legislation. The changes introduced by the latter are largely concentrated in redefining the rights of a CUKC. The series of legislation following the 1948 Act consistently erodes a CUKC's right to enter and remain in Britain. This is achieved by narrowing the group of colonial subjects who are to receive such rights, coined by the 1971 Act as the "right of abode". The most recent legislation is the 1981 Act. It devised three types of citizenship; British citizen, British Dependent Territories Citizens (BDTC) and British Overseas Citizens. British Citizens enjoy the right of abode in Britain, BDTCs do not. Most Hong Kong people fall within the BDTC category. BDTC may be conferred upon Hong Kong people by birth, adoption, registration in case of minor children of naturalized BDTC parents, marriage in case CITIZENSHIP - page 8 UPDATE 7 Citizenship From page 7 of alien women and by descent BDTC may also be secured through naturalization, after residency of five years in Hong Kong and fulfilment of other qualifications such as command of the English language. Most significantly, BDTCs are thrust upon existing CUKCs who do not hold the "right of abode" under the 1971 Act Under the 1971 Act, only CUKCs who were bom, adopted, registered or naturalized in Britain have the "right of abode". Such rights were also allowed to people who qualify due to complicated ancestral link to Britain or, in the case of alien women, through marriage. While the 1971 Act stripped all the Hong Kong originated CUKCs of their right to reside in Britain, the 1981 Act took the further step of lumping them into a separate category from the other CUKCs who are assimilated into the "British Citizen" category. The travelling convenience enjoyed by CUKCs within the Commonwealth is subject to the discretion of the individual countries. For example, BDTCs cannot enter Britain without a visa. Most people in Hong Kong today hold the BDTC. However, there are some who do not qualify for it; they are then stateless. The travelling document they hold is the Certificate of Identity issued pursuant to the United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons. Finally, there are a growing number of Hong Kong people who hold foreign citizenship. To the extent that it is not repugnant to the foreign citizenship law, they may hold such citizenship in conjunction with their BDTC. "Between the Cracks of Contradiction..." by Chow Ying Wong Toronto An article titled "Between the cracks of contradiction: where do the new immigrants from Hong Kong fit?" was published in the Modern Times Weekly on March 30, 1990. The author, Su Guannan, attributes adjustment problems of recent immigrants to (i) a lack of accurate information; (ii) the 'safety net' mentality and, most importantly, (iii) a 'vacuum' in the value system -- one which is created when Hong Kong culture meets Canadian culture. The author contends that although prospective immigrants can get information about Canada from the Canadian Commission, most readily available information doesn't address social problems and pressures existing in the host society. As a result, many are shocked, or feel they are "being cheated" when they come to Toronto. With the approach of 1997, emigration has almost become a fad in Hong Kong. However, many people treat the experience of migration as "moving, touring, having a vacation, or visiting relatives," without realizing its impact on themselves and possibly the lives of their next few generations. Like other newcomers to this country, immigrants from Hong Kong experience unemployment and underemployment. Su Guannan argues that this is critical to the settlement process only when downward mobility is related to the value system the immigrants bring with them. Hong Kong is highly materialistic and competitive. Status, and therefore happiness, is determined by the accumulation of assets. Many recent immigrants try to re- establish their status in Canada when they arrive. This often means transplanting their lifestyle from Hong Kong to Toronto. It also includes spending most of their savings on an automobile and the down payment on a house. By obligating themselves to a huge mortgage, many immigrants are prone to family crises and other problems of adjustment. Finally, the author suggests a more flexible financial policy for new immigrants. The 'vacuum' in the value system Su Guannan refers to is an important element in the process of cultural adjustment. Dissonance is created when the cultural values of newcomers and the host society are not mutually accepted. More than one 'vacuum' may exist for recent Hong Kong immigrants. Not only do they have to adapt to the 'mainstream' society, they have to be accepted by the local Chinese community as well. The author describes recent Hong Kong immigrants as unwilling to adjust to the new society. Rather than adapting to that of the host society, they My to bring their lifestyle to Toronto, to change the environment by making it similar to the one they have left behind. The comment, although not a representative one, sounds similar to the saying about the "unassimalatable Asian" in the early part of the century. It reflects a certain degree of conservatism in the Chinese community toward newcomers. The image of recent Hong Kong immigrants as a bunch of well- off yuppies and conspicuous consumers is popular not only in the dominant society, but among some members of the local Chinese community, who try to recall the hard times they had when they first settled in Canada. Hence, it is important to bear in mind that the issue isn't limited to seulement in the mainstream society, but also into one's ethnic community as well. 8 UPDATE Chinese-Canadians Split by Tan Xiaobing Vancouver A battle over whether a plaque should be mounted to recognize China's continuing struggle for democracy and to commemorate those killed in Beijing last June disrupted Vancouver's Qing Ming, a festival for Chinese to pay tribute to departed ancestors, relatives and friends, this year on April 5th./ Last August, The Vancouver Society in Support of Democratic Movement proposed that a replica of the Goddess of Democracy, the statue that was erected in Tiananmen Square, be built in the Dr. Sun Yat-Sen Garden. But the Dr. Sun Yat-Sen Garden Society refused to provide space, for it was reluctant to become part of "a political forum." This year, the Vancouver Society in Support of Democratic Movement applied to the Vancouver Parks Board to place a plaque in the city-run Sun Yat-sen Park, adjacent to the Garden. The Chinese Benevolent Association, which has a membership of more than 50 Chinese organizations, apposed placing the plaque in the garden, saying that the events in Beijing in June were an internal affair of China, and overseas Chinese, no longer being Chinese nationals, should not get involved. During a heated debate in a City Council committee room on Wednesday, March 21, the Council's Race Relations Committee recommended that the Vancouver Parks Board establish a subcommittee, including one member of the Race Relations Committee, to examine the issue further. After the debate, as the controversy spread within the Chinese community, some organizations took sides. Individuals also expressed their opinions by writing to Chinese newspapers and calling the "Voice of Overseas Chinese", a Chinese-language radio station. Over Commemoration of Duan Jin, the departing Chinese Consul-General in Vancouver, reportedly said that to commemorate the deaths in the June 4th incident was to commemorate the counter- revolutionary ruffians, and, thus, was to intervene in China's internal affairs. However, a person using the name of a "UBC student from Mainland China," argued that Dr. Sun Yat- Sen was a Chinese political leader, and to use his name for a plaque in Vancouver could also be considered an act to "intervene in China's internal affairs". He suggested the park's name should be changed. Although Qing Ming has come and gone for this year, the debate over whether to commemorate the deaths in Beijing continues. The Vancouver Society in Support of Democratic Movement will organize activities in May and June to mark the one year anniversary of the events in Beijing. Immigration's Impact on Vancouver Housing by Diana Lary Toronto One frequently expressed concern in Vancouver is that immigrants from Asia, notably Hong Kong, have driven up house prices. A report published in 1989 by the Laurier Institute, When did you move to Vancouver?, by Gregory Schwann, suggests a different picture. Using a series of federal government statistics for 1971, 1976, 1981 and 1986, the report shows that international immigration to Vancouver declined from 1976 to 1986, and that intra- and inter-provincial migration into Vancouver far exceeded international migration. Massacre Victims Intra + inter- International provincial 1967-71 176,810 71,760 1972-66 122,475 74,830 1977-81 145,660 61,250 1982-6 135,235 50,190 The pressure on Vancouver housing has more to do with demographic characteristics of the local population (the baby boom, decline in household size) than to movement into the area from abroad. As for the famous "monster homes," immigrants were less likely to occupy larger homes (9+ rooms) than local purchasers; 73% of such homes occupied during the 1981-6 period were taken up by people moving within the Vancouver area. The report does not distinguish between origins of immigrants, nor does it cover the period since 1986 when the issue of housing has surfaced - statistics for that period will not be available until the next census in 1991. A more recent Laurier Institute report, The Housing Crisis: The Effects of Local Government Regulation, W.T. Stanbury and John Todd, (January, 1990) suggests that the situation has changed since 1986. Immigration has risen; in the two and a half years from 1987 to June, 1989, 42,476 immigrants arrived in Vancouver, proportionally a much higher number than for the previous five year period. 10,897 were from Hong Kong, a slightly higher proportion than the 8,178 (of 49,775)* who came in the period 1982-6 (p. 103). The new immigrant group has included significant numbers of people wanting to live in and able to afford large homes. / vty 6 This report provides a considerable amount of statistical and anecdotal information which indicates that monster homes have come to be seen as a serious problem to many Vancouverites over the last few HOUSING ■ page 13 UPDATE 9 Information on Canada by Diana Lary Toronto The Hong Kong emigration climate has spawned a migration industry, which involves immigration consultants, lawyers, real estate agents, investment councillors, employment agencies, and household movers. The industry also provides information to let people know what they can expect from emigration. Canada is particularly well known in Hong Kong. There are regular newspaper columns on Canada, such as "Words from the Maple Woods" (Singtao Daily). There are numerous publications, in the vein of the late 19th century publications which circulated in Europe, and extolled the virtues of countries, to "sell" emigration to potential migrants. They tend to be vague and general, and to offer some quite dubious means of getting abroad. But in Hong Kong now emigration is a serious business, and much of the information presented is serious and accurate. General emigration publications focus on all possible destinations; they include a monthly periodical, The Emigrant. Others deal with one country only; at a local bookstall in Causeway Bay in January, 1990, ten introductions to Canada in Chinese were on sale. Some, such as the Guide to Canadian Immigration (which has gone through five editions since 1987) are detailed instructions on immigrant eligibility and application procedures.' Others, such as the Handbook for Immigrants to Canada, are general introductions to every aspect of Canadian life, from the government and taxation systems to sites of interest, all condensed into just over a hundred pages. 2 The amount of detailed information available means that would-be immigrants tend to be well informed before they make an enquiry at the Canadian Commission. Those unlikely to succeed in gaining an immigrant visa know not to apply. In 1989, formal applications received from Hong Kong people (29,584) were less than double the number of pre-application questionnaires filled out (45,229). This contrasted with the previous year in which 42,052 PAQs were filled out for 15,334 formal applications. 3 The pass rates in both years for those making formal applications were high - 77.3% for 1988, and 74.4% for 1989/ This high success rate can be ascribed partly to good advice from Commission staff, and partly to the fact that would- be immigrants to Canada are well-informed of their chances of success. Immigration publications must take some credit for getting the information out (1) Guide to Canadian Immigration (Jianada yimin zhinan), CEMA (Hong Kong and Toronto), 1989. (2) Handbook for Immigrants to Canada (Jiannada yimin shouce), Xiong Dezhang (Kowloon), 1989. (3) Immigrant Applications Received (Post and CLPR Hong Kong), DepL of Employment and Immigration, March, 1990 (4) Pass Rates (Post and CLPR Hong / Kong), ibid. / The Basic Law The Basic Law (of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China), in effect the constitution for Hong Kong after July, 1997, was adopted on April 4th, 1990 by the Seventh National People's Congress meeting in Peking. The Law's most important stipulations are that "the socialist system and policies shall not be practised in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, and the previous capitalist system and way of life shall remain unchanged for 50 years (Article 5); there are specific guarantees of the continuation of a wide range of freedoms such as speech, the press, publication, the person, communication, conscience, creativity, marriage, access to the law (Articles 27- 35, 37), and of rights of property and social benefits (Articles 6, 36). These grand, lofty guarantees are matched by stipulations that military forces of the Central People's Government will be stationed in Hong Kong (Article 14), that the Region will enact laws to prohibit "any act of treason, secession, sedition, subversion against the Central People's Government (Article 23), and that the powers of interpretation and amendment of the Basic Law are vested with the National People's Congress in Peking (Articles 158 and 159). The response to the adoption of the Basic Law in Hong Kong was muted. Its contents were already widely known, and most of the articles which aroused particular concern had already received wide-spread coverage in the local press. The only elements of some novelty were the new regional flag, "a red flag with a bauhinia flower highlighted by five star-tipped stamens" (Article 10), and the stipulation, reiterated in many articles, that the chief executive, the members of the Executive Council, the principal executive officials, 80% of the members of the Legislative Council, the Chief Justice of the Court of Final Appeal and the Chief Judge of the High Court, and most senior public servants are to be "Chinese citizens who are permanent residents of the Region without right of abode in any foreign country" (Articles 44, 55, 61, 67, 101). There was little show of enthusiasm for the Law. In a climate of continuing mistrust of the Peking authorities, the contents of the Law were less significant than the fact that public confidence in its intention or ability to protect the present way of life in Hong Kong is very limited. 10 UPDATE Democratization In Hong Kong by Sonny Lo Hong Kong Since the military crackdown on student demonstrators in the People's Republic of China (PRC) on 4 June 1989, democratization has become the most controversial issue in Hong Kong's political development. Democratization refers to the process of allowing citizens to exercise civil or political rights which they have never enjoyed before. It may be a long process with a transitional period of at least one generation. Prior to 1982, the colonial administrators in Hong Kong refrained from democratizing the political system. Although the British Colonial Office supported electoral reform in the territory after World War II, the Governor Sir Mark Young felt that membership of the law-making body, the Legislative Council (Legco), should be confined to British subjects and that only British should be entitled to vote. Governor Young's successor, Sir Alexander Grantham, feared that democratization could provide an opportunity for the Chinese Communist Party to influence the politics of Hong Kong. It was not until the 1970s that the Governor Sir Murray LacLehose ^ appointed some members at the grassroots level such as workers to the Legco. Democratization of the colonial polity has taken place since 1982 when District Board elections were held. District Boards were advisory bodies with members elected by citizens and appointed by the government to discuss district affairs such as repairing roads and building traffic lights. The introduction of District Board elections can be jegarded as a purposive adaptation to changing circumstances. In the late 1970s, a large number of citizens moved to reside in new towns, a demographic change that called for the government to meet the basic needs of the migrants and to allocate resources effectively by decentralizing the administration. Moreover, the colonial authorities perceived an urgent need to strengthen their rule. The 1970s saw the rise of numerous interest groups formed by such middle- class intellectuals as social workers and students, who protested the government and who urged it to combat corruption. In order to curb protests and to minimize the influence of these interest groups, the government channelled citizen participation into such institutions as District Boards. After the Sino-British agreement on Hong Kong was initialled in 1984, democratization is no longer an occasional phenomenon and becomes a British policy towards Hong Kong. Originally, the Hong Kong government in 1984 intended to introduce some Legco seats directly elected by citizens in 1988. Because of the opposition from China, the colonial policy-makers in 1987 abandoned such electoral reform. In fact, the colonial admini- strators, the local capitalists and PRC officials formed a triple alliance that opposed the introduction of direct elections to the Legco in 1988. In the wake of the June 4 incident in China, British policy- makers decided to introduce a bill of human rights in Hong Kong and to increase the number of legislators elected directly through geographical constituencies in 1991. These decisions were due to Britain's desire to curb the anti-British sentiment in Hong Kong using democratization in exchange for the refusal to grant the right of abode in the United Kingdom to 3.25 million Hong Kong British subjects, and to respond to the domestic criticism from the Labour Party, the Social and Liberal Democratic Party and the media. However, there are several limits to democratization in Hong Kong. First and foremost, PRC officials, who have been alarmed by the activities of some Hongkongers to give financial support to mainland Chinese protestors in June 1989, use the Hong Kong Basic Law to limit the scope and decelerate the pace of electoral reform in the territory before and after 1997. After 1997, the power of China's National People's Congress will probably override that of the bill of rights in Hong Kong. Second, the disunity among Hongkongers is an obstacle to democratization. While some pro-Beijing capitalists and middle-class liberals are at loggerheads concerning the pace and scope of electoral reform, the middle class has also been split into pro-China and pro- democracy camps. Under these circumstances, PRC officials find it easy to prevent half of Legco members from being directly elected by citizens before 1997. Third, Britain is still reluctant to accelerate political reform in Hong Kong at the expense of jeopardizing the friendly Sino- Bntish relations. Finally, as a large number of middle-class Hongkongers continue to emigrate, middle -class liberals who formed such new mini- political parties as the Democratic Association and the United Democratic Party will lack a strong foundation to influence the direction of electoral reform. The June 4 incident exacerbates the mutual distrust between China and the Hong Kong people, delegitimizes the Basic Law, and convinces many Honglcongers that it is necessary to adopt an insurance policy through emigration. The prospect of democratization in Hong Kong depends not only on China, but also on most Hong Kong people whose refugee or escapist mentality will inevitably weaken the democracy movement in the future Special Administrative Region. UPDATE 11 Citizenship Bill Sparks Controversy In Britain passport will inevitably come to by Harriet Clompus Leeds In mid-April, the British parliament voted in favour of a controverial bill to grant full citizenship to up to 225,000 (50,000 key workers and their dependents) Hong Kong residents, despite rebellion in the governing Conservative Party's ranks. In reaction, the Chinese Foreign Ministry stressed that the British Government has no right to "setUe unilaterally the nationality status of Chinese citizens of Hong Kong." When the British government, under pressure from Hong Kong, proposed the bill in December 1989, the Foreign Minister, Mr. Douglas Hurd, stressed that the bill was to be an "insurance policy" giving right of abode to professionals. It was argued that it would stem the "brain drain" and ensure Hong Kong's smooth running and stability. The 50,000 plus dependents was the maximum the government judged would be acceptable at home and the minimum they thought Hong Kong would accept. On his return from Hong Kong in mid- January, Mr. Hurd said "We have tried to strike a balance, which is disappointing to almost everyone in Hong Kong, but we believe it is a reasonable balance.", I\u The government of mainland China called the proposal "a gross violation" of the Joint Declaration. On the 18th of January, Minister Lu Ping in Canton said consular protection would be withdrawn from the holders of such passports after 1997, and moreover that such people could only hold up to 15% of top civil service and governmental positions in Hong Kong. Gerald Kaufman, the shadow foreign minister asked Mr. Hurd in session, "Does this statement on behalf of the Chinese Government not mean that if the British plan is enacted, everyone awarded a Britain in 1997, thus making a nonsense of the government's claim that the purpose of the plan is to anchor people in Hong Kong?" The bill has received vociferous criticism within the British government and the Tory party. A group of 30 or 40 right wing dissidents led by Norman Tebbit, former Conservative party Chairman, says the cabinet has been swayed by the Foreign Office and that Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher should be rescued from the error of her ways. Conservative MP Tony Marlow said "We have a multi-cultural, multi-racial society that no-one has debated or requested. Now the government has gaily decided to invite another quarter of a million in." Some centre and left Tory dissidents argue that the bill is elitist and not likely to restore confidence, or unfair in light of the long queue of people from the Indian Subcontinent waiting to join relatives in Britain and who must go through the processes of the 1981 Nationality Act to be admitted. In late February a three strong Conservative MP delegation went to Mrs. Thatcher to tell her of a letter signed by over 80 Conservative MPs saying that they would not support the government in this Bill. Even more Tories had privately expressed their opposition to it. Many wanted the Nationality Bill of 1981, which provides for discretionary Entry Certificates without full citizenship, to apply to the Hong Kong citizens. All wanted the Bill to be debated clause by clause in the House of Commons rather than by Committee. The Bill also faced opposition from the Labour Party. Gerald Kaufman, the shadow foreign secretary, described the plan as "elitist, unfair and impractical." On 21st of January it was reported in The Guardian that Labour had identified three categories that it would welcome. These were 6,000 Indians who could become stateless after 1997, a similar number of British intelligence staff, and a few hundred war widows. The Guardian noted that "Many MPs believe the Party has ducked the issue of larger, potentially unpopular classes of refugee." Perhaps the last word on what Peter Jenkins, a columnist in The Independent has dubbed "The Prejudicial Numbers Game" should go to a British born Chinese who said in a Guardian article titled "Passport to the big money", "Britain has lost a big chance. All the Big Money that has been moving out of Hong Kong in the last few years has gone elsewhere. And even now, instead of encouraging it, the British government has been discouraging them and making them feel like beggars." The British Nationality Bill by Ho-yin Cheung and Keung-sing Ho Hong Kong The details of The British Nationality (Hong Kong) Bill, published on Wednesday, 4th April 1990, were announced in Hong Kong by the Director of Administration, Mr. Donald Tsang Yam-kuen. This passport scheme was devised to relieve Hong Kong's confidence crisis and curb the "brain drain" by granting British Citizenship to 50,000 heads of families and their dependents in the run up to 1997. Mr. Tsang said the whole process was designed to ensure that all the applicants will be treated fairly. The quota of 50,000 will be divided into four sections: General Allocation; Key Entrepreneurs; people in disciplined services such as the police force and prison guards; people in intelligence, all of NATIONALITY ■ page 15 V 12 UPDATE Canada - Hong Kong Trade and Investment Overview the Territory has also grown. excerpts from "Hong Kong," External Affairs and International Trade, Government of Canada. In 1989, Hong Kong was Canada's 12th (16th in 1987) largest market while Canada was Hong Kong's 6th largest customer. Two-way trade with Hong Kong increased slightly (2.5%) in 1989 to reach S2.2 billion. Canada completed 1989 with a merchandise trade deficit with Hong Kong of SI 11.8 million, 25% less than that registered for 1988. Canadian exports have increased from S10O4.3 million to $1049.9 million (up by 4.5%), while Hong Kong domestic exports to Canada increased by 0.6% from $1153.4 million to $1160.7 million. For 1989, exports of valued at precious metals and gold Maple Leaf coins ($590 million) represented 56% of Canadian exports to Hong Kong and accounted for much of the increased trade. Other major items were spcl confidential transactions ($106.3 million), paperboard (S47 million), aluminum (S44 million), and plastics and plastic articles ($40 million). Hong Kong is an important source of investment for Canada, with a significant potential for growth. In 1989, the total flow of investment from Hong Kong to foreign countries was estimated a $12 billion. That Canadian share is estimated to represent 20 percent or $2.4 billion. The value of the estimated outflow of capital from Hong Kong in 1990 is $20 billion. Of this amount, one-half is considered portfolio investment. Domestic Political Situation The Tiananmen violence in China resulted in an accelerated loss of confidence by the residents of Hong Kong regarding post- 1997 arrangements when the Territory will become a Special Administrative Region of the PRC. Since then, the British Government has sought international support to promote confidence in the future of Hong Kong after 1997. The framework of Hong Kong after 1997 has been determined by the Sino-British Joint Declaration, and by the Basic Law (BL), the constitution for the Territory which was promulgated by the National Peoples Congress in March 1990. The Basic Law grants considerable autonomy in economic trade, cultural and political affairs for 50 years after 1997 and outlines procedures for a system to govern the Territory. While there is dissatisfaction with the final version of the BL which slows the democratization process in the Territory and limits the participation, in elected positions, of citizens with dual or foreign nationality, there is appreciation that the framework of post- 1997 Hong Kong is now more clearly defined. Bilateral Relations Bilateral relations between Canada and Hong Kong are very good. Canada is perceived as a friend of the Territory and supportive of efforts to re- establish confidence in Hong Kong's future. This was reinforced by the Prime Minister's statements and actions at the 1989 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting and through the Secretary of State for External Affairs' meeting with representatives of the Hong Kong Executive and Legislative Councils at the CHOGM. For the past three years, Hong Kong has been Canada's principle source of immigrants (approximately 19,950 in 1989). This trend is expected to continue. Canadian interest in Since 1985, the estimated population of Canadian citizens in Hong Kong has increased from 18,000 to over 35,000. The tens of thousands of Canadian citizens of Hong Kong origin who travel back and forth between Canada and the territory are building bridges between the two societies and contributing to the prosperity of both Canada and Hong Kong. Canadian officials visited London, Hong Kong and Beijing in February to express concerns about the lack of confidence in Hong Kong's future as a cause of increased interest in emigrating. As a result of the frank and positive discussions, mutually a series of confidence building measures will be implemented. TABLES - page 14 Housing From page 9 years, and that an association is made between them and immigrants from Asia. The report analyses the anxieties, misconceptions and fears involved in the reaction to monster homes; its conclusion is that the fundamental problems are the weakness of Vancouver's planning system, and the reluctance of some people to accept change. Its most important indirect revelation is that solid data is very hard to come by, and that in a situation marked by heightened sensitivity on one jide (opposed to "neighbourhood change") and insensitivity on the other (builders of monster homes) the solutions will lie in attempts at mutual understanding and reconciliation. •this report uses statistics from the BC Ministry of Finance and Corporate Relations which differ slightly from those of the Department of Employment and Immigration used by the first report. UPDATE 13 see Overview page 13 HS Description 62 Clothing, not knitted 61 Clothing, knitted 85 Electrical Equipment 84 Mechanical Equipment 91 Clocks, watches and parts 95 Toys, games, sports equipment 71 Pearls, precious stones, metals 52 Cotton 90 Optical precision equipment 39 Plastics and plastic goods All categories (HS 1-99) Hong Kong Trade January-December thousands of Canadian Dollars Imports 1988 HS Description 71 Pearls, precious stones, metals 99 Spcl, confidential transactions 85 Electrical Equipment 48 Paper and Paperboard 76 Aluminum and aluminum products 39 Plastics and plastic articles 84 Mechanical Equipment 12 Oil Seeds 55 Man-made staple fibres 47 Wood Pulp All categories (HS 1-99) Two Way Trade Bilateral Balance 203 655 208 628 175 277 83 100 57 414 70 061 30 815 33 208 28 511 29 673 1 153 400 Exports 1988 432 711 137 754 40 876 44 720 44 961 46 044 29 217 20 324 7 828 38 644 1004 300 2157.700 -149.1 1989 1989 % change 228 106 +12.0% 223 005 +6.9% 171 533 -2.1% 82 288 -1.0% 55 969 -2.5% 44 708 -36.2% 36 997 +20.1% 33 806 +1.8% 28 574 +0.9% 27 488 -7.5% 160 725 +0.6% % change 590 002 +36.4% 106 331 -22.8% 50 081 +22.5% 46 958 +4.7% 43 958 -2.2% 39 926 -19.8% 22 280 -23.7% 15 835 -22.1% 13 556 +73.2% 13 401 -65.3% 049 927 +4.5% 2210.652 +2.5% -111.8 -25.0% UPDATE 14 J Nationality From page 12 whom are in especially sensitive positions. About 13% of the quota will be granted later to those who hold important positions and those who failed in the first attempt. The General Allocation section will account for 36,200; approximately 72% of a total 500 (i.e. 1%) will be allocated to the important entrepreneurs; 7,000 (u^ 14%) to the Disciplined Service group; and 6,300 (approximately 13%) to the Sensitive Service group. Only the British (Hong Kong) Passport holders and those who have naturalised before the legislation is enacted (predicted for late summer), will be eligible to apply. In the point scoring system, the highest score is 800. There are seven factors to be considered in the system: age, experience, education and training, special circumstances, proficiency in English, British links and public/community service. Age is considered the most important factor and 200 points will be given to applicants between 30 and 40 years old. Fewer points will be awarded to applicants younger than 30 or over 40. A maximum of 150 points (or 50 points each) will be allocated for working experience, education and training. Under the General Allocation section, sub quotas are planned for job allocations including business and management 19,703; accountants 1,615; engineers 3,230; information service 1,938; medical and science 2,584; legal service 323; and education 2,907. The director of immigration will be responsible for codifying applications and a steering committee chaired by the Chief Secretary, Sir David Ford, will recommend applicants with the highest scores to the Governor who will make the final decision on the granting of applications. HONG KONG-CHINA TRADE AND COMMERCE by Philip Calvert Seattle Attention in this quarter focused on the economic implications of the Basic Law and decisions about the structure of the Hong Kong government after 1997: the expansion of China's presence in Hong Kong's economic infrastructure; attempts in Beijing to deal with foreign investment in China; policy statements from Beijing on the Special Economic Zones (SEZs) which have implications for Hong Kong both as a future Special Administrative Region (SAR) of China and a strong presence in other SEZs. In the first three months of 1990, through its state-run corporations, China increased its presence in Hong Kong's airline and telecommunications sectors. In January, China International Trust and Investment Corporation (CITIC), which already holds 12.5 percent of shares in Cathay Pacific, announced that it would purchase Hong Kong's Dragonair. In late February, in a deal financed with loans from 19 international banks, CrTIC announced the purchase of 20 percent of the shares of Hong Kong Telecom. It was rumoured that there would also be a similar expansion into the power sector. While speculation abounded that CITIC was about to purchase an interest in China Light and Power (a player in the Daya Bay nuclear project), the territory, which relies on ,/ Guangdong for much of its water supply, signed a long-term agreement with the Guangdong provincial government. Some observers expressed apprehension about this growth of China's presence in some key infrastructure sectors in Hong Kong and raised concerns about the outflow of capital for the loan supporting CITIC in the Hong Kong Telecom deal - capital which could be better used in direct investment in Hong Kong's air and port facilities, they argued. In a meeting with Hong Kong governor David Wilson, Chinese Premier Li Peng stated that projects in the latter sectors already initiated by Hong Kong should not expect Beijing's help after 1997 and should not be funded by the Land Fund set up for the government of the Hong Kong SAR after 1997.// - At the same time, Beijing has been sending some mixed messages regarding Hong Kong investment in China. While the Bank of China reaffirmed its interest in easing access to loans for foreign-funded enterprises, particularly those in energy or export industries, and the State Planning Commission announced that it would further encourage the growth of export industries (particularly textiles and light industry), it was also reported that China was about to put firm controls on foreign-funded, low- technology export industries such as the Hong Kong financed textile industries which have sprung up in the SEA's. Other reports indicated that foreign investors faced increased bureaucratic obstructionism with the new, more centralised economic policies. It appears, too, that Jiang Zemin, General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, is directing more central government capital toward projects in Shanghai (his power base) at the expense of Guangdong which had benefitted from its ties with Jiang's predecessor Zhao Ziyang, and which, because of it proximity, has been the target of the bulk of Hong Kong trade and investment. Trade with Hong Kong was the subject of several statements in china, including the unrealistic proposal that a strategy be developed in which each of TRADE - page 16 UPDATE 15 TRADE AND COMMERCE From page 15 China's coastal regions target a particular regional export market, with the Guangdong area being focused on Hong Kong and Southeast Asia. Year end reports showed a 12 percent increase in Hong Kong exports to China and a 25 percent increase in re-exports in 1989, coupled with a decline in Hong Kong's proportion of the total foreign investment in Guangdong. Hong Kong exporters, however, may feel threatened by the attempts by the Mayor of Shenzhen, an SEZ, to have Beijing lift the customs wall with Hong Kong and allow for exports to the rest of the country through Shenzhen. This was raised at a February conference on SEZs at which Li Peng called for increased use of market forces in these regions, while at the same time admonishing them to maintain a politically correct altitude toward "bourgeois liberalisation". Official Chinese interpretations of this indicated that Beijing would continue to support the more liberal policies of the SEZs. In light of the several indications from Beijing that the prosperity of Hong Kong — both before and after 1997 ~ is essential to China, Beijing's treatment of these regions no doubt is being closely monitored by the residents of China's future Special Administrative Region. NEW BOOKS The Basic Law of the Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China, by the Consultative Committee for the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China, April, 1990. China Tide by Margaret Cannon Harper & Collins, 1989 City on the Rocks: Hong Kong's Uncertain Future by Kevin Rafferty Douglas & Mclntyre, 1989 The Ethos of the Hong Kong Chinese by Lau Siu-kai & Kuan Hsian-chi The Chinese University Press, 1988 Hong Kong Countdown by George Hicks Writer's & Publisher's Cooperative Hong Kong Epilogue to an Empire by Jan Morris Viking-Penguin. 1988 The Hong Kong Money by Tom Fennell & John Demont Key Porter 1990 Hong Kong Voices edited by Gerd Balke Longman Kowtow! by William Shawcross Chatto Counterblasts Mouldering Pearl by Felix Patrikeef George Philip Ltd., 1989 The Other Hong Kong Report by Bernard Luk The Chinese University Press, 1989 The Canada and Hong Kong Update is distributed free at your request. Please let us know if you would like to be on our mailing list by calling (416) 736-5784 exL 2051. Or write to us at the address below: Canada and Hong Kong Project Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies Suite 200K, Administrative Studies Building York University 4700 Keele St. North York, Ontario CANADA M3J 1P3 p-1 T ■ ASS 1 ■ Ifh rt tfT l I I I M ill A CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE FALL 1990 Hong Kong Governor Received as Head of State by Canada on External Affairs and International by Diana Lary Trade and the Right Honourable Joe Toronto Clark, Secretary of State for External Affairs. At a dinner the same evening given by Clark, the stress was on the length and warmth of the relationship between Hong Kong and Canada. There were a number of Canadian Hong Kong veterans at the dinner, and both Clark and Wilson made prominent mention of Canada's help in defending Hong Kong during the 1941 Japanese invasion, in which many Canadians lost their lives. Canada's warm and serious reception of the Governor gave the message that all Hong Kong issues are taken seriously, and Canada is willing to assist, where possible, in their successful resolution. There were no formal promises of specific action to deal with issues over which Canada might help, such as Vietnamese refugees, granting of delayed visas to Hong Kong citizens planning to move During his three day visit to Ottawa and Toronto at the end of May, Sir David Wilson was received as a head of state, though, as governor of the one of the last remaining colonies, he might have been received at a lower level. This was the first official visit by a Hong Kong governor to Canada. Lady Wilson did not accompany her husband because of the sudden and sad death of her father. Sir David's visit to Vancouver International Airport scheduled for May 25th was cancelled to enable him to attend the funeral. On the day of his arrival. Sir David met with the Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, Mr. Marchand, Under Secretary of State for External Affairs, members of the Standing Committee to Canada, or the encouragement of return migration after immigrants have acquired Canadian citizenship. But, there was a sense that Canada is one of the few countries to show understanding for Hong Kong's difficult situation. CLARK'S ADDRESS - next page In This Issue... Immigration Statistics 6 Status Dislocation 8 French Courses in H.K. 9 Return Migration 10 H.K. in Canada-China Trade 12 Expo '86 Site 13 B.C. Author Sky Lee 14 Crisis in the Gulf Temporary Dual Citizenship? by Diana Lary Toronto A strange twist has been added to the vexed issue of nationality and dual nationality for people with Hong Kong passports by the crisis in the Gulf. The issue is being followed closely in Canada because in future it may affect many Canadian citizens. On August 13th, Albert Lam, who holds a Hong Kong (British Dependent Territories Citizen [BDTC]) passport, arrived in Jordan from Iraq, travelling on a document issued by the Chinese Embassy in Kuwait which stated that he was a Chinese national. Mr. Lam made his request after it became clear that, as a British national, he would not be allowed to leave Iraq. A number of other Hong Kong people subsequently took the same path to leave Iraq and Kuwait. On August 15th, Zhou Nan, China's chief representative in Hong Kong, made a public statement that China would offer assistance to any Hong Kong people, or "Chinese compatriots," who were stranded in the GULF CRISIS - next page per F1029.5 H6 C36 Up to Date NEWS IN BRIEF "The Bauhinia blakeana (Hong Kong Orchid Tree) was discovered in 1908 at Pok Fu Lam and was named after former governor Sir Henry Blake. It is among the finest of the Bauhinia genus anywhere in the world and has been adopted as Hong Kong's floral emblem. It is widely planted - being propogated by cuttings since, like most hybrids, its seeds are usually sterile." (Hong Kong: The Facts - Flora and Fauna, P-l.) Emigration - The official emigration forecast for 1990 is 55 thousand, compared with an estimate of 42 thousand for 1989. The government predicts that 426 thousand [see new figure p. 5] will leave Hong Kong during 1989-96 for emigration and overseas studies. It plans to set up employment services overseas to entice former Hong Kong residents to return to work. (Hong Kong Economic Profile, 70, 15.8.90, p.2.) Commemoration of Tiananmen - more than 100 thousand people took part in demonstrations in Hong Kong on June 3rd and June 4th to mark the first anniversary of the Peking Massacre. Lawyers - almost 80 percent of Hong Kong lawyers plan to leave before 1997, according to a survey conducted by the Hong Kong Bar Association. (Far Eastern Economic Review 24.5.90.) Gulf Crisis From page one Gulf. He referred to the section of the Joint Declaration which stipulates that all people with Hong Kong passports are to be considered Chinese nationals after 1997. This declaration would only make sense if Mr. Lam and others rescued from Kuwait and Iraq had to surrender their Hong Kong passports, which apparently they did not. Thus Mr. Zhou's overt insistence From page one Rt. Hon. Joe Clark's Address Governor, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is a great honour and a distinct pleasure for me to be able to welcome you to Ottawa. Yours is an historic visit, the first by a Governor of Hong Kong to Canada. Your visit provides an opportunity to celebrate the strong ties between Canada and Hong Kong, ties of history, of trade, of family, and of trust We are not strangers. The links between Canada and Hong Kong stretch back over the centuries to the days of the British Empire, the days of sailing ships, a period when thousands of Southern Chinese arrived in British Columbia and contributed so much to the building of our young nation. The complex history of ties between Hong Kong and Canada also extends to earlier, sad days of conflict. In 1941, Canadian troops were called upon to defend Hong Kong. 550 Canadian soldiers died during that conflict. They are not forgotten; every December their sacrifice is commemorated at Sai Wan cemetery. Hong Kong owes its origins to its role as an entrepot post in the China trade, a role which the territory continues to fulfil with brilliance. It is out of this role that a strong trading relationship across the Pacific developed with Canada. That trading relationship continues and grows to this day. Two-way trade stands at over $2.2 billion, and Hong Kong investment in Canada was $2.4 billion in 1989 alone. on single (Chinese) nationality is contradicted by the de facto recognition of dual nationality. This issue will undoubtedly continue to generate intense interest. The Chinese Embassy in Kuwait also assisted Taiwanese staff members of the BES Engineering Corp to leave Kuwait for Jordan by issuing them with PRC passports. n.b. In Canada the lerm citizenship is used, in the United Kingdom and Hong Kong the normal term is nationality. But our relationship goes well beyond the ties of trade and investment. An important bridge between us has been the flow of people. From modest 19th century beginnings, emigration to Canada has expanded dramatically. One in seven new immigrants to Canada now comes from Hong Kong. Hong Kong is our largest single source of new citizens. Hundreds of thousands of Canadians of Hong Kong origin are contributing their tremendous talents and hard work in almost every field of human endeavour. These new Canadians are helping to build a modern and dynamic and multicultural Canada. We are proud of their contribution. That contribution not only enriches Canadian society; it is also a business asset, an invaluable resource for Canada as we seek to compete successfully and develop new markets in the Pacific. The flow of people has not been just one way. The Canadian population in Hong Kong now exceeds 30,000. That is the largest Canadian community in Asia. In addition, some u 70,000 Hong Kong graduates of Canadian universities live and work in Hong Kong, enhancing the strong personal links between our two societies. Both of us depend heavily on trade for our prosperity and security. The people of Hong Kong are the singular traders of Asia and your city remains the best entree to the Asia market. Canada and Hong Kong share a common commitment to open markets and free trade around the world. And in the Pacific region, we share an interest in promoting prosperity through more liberal trade in goods and services. Our shared interest in freer trade was demonstrated by the fact that the Hong Kong business community was among the first to recognize that the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement would have a positive impact on Canadian trade with all our partners. The Free Trade Agreement will continue to act as a catalyst for the Canada/Hong Kong economic partnership. CLARK'S ADDRESS - page 3 2 UPDATE CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Editors Diana Lary Stephanie Gould Illustration Joe Burdzy Design Stephanie Gould Contributors Philip Calvert Ho-yin Cheung Harriet Clompus Keung-sing Ho Tan Xiaobing Chow Ying Wong Canada and Hong Kong Update is published three times a year by the Canada and Hong Kong Project, Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, Suite 200K, Administrative Studies Bldg. York University, 4700 Keele St., North York, Ontario, CANADA M3J 1P3 Telephone: (416) 736-5784 Fax: (416) 736-5687 Opinions expressed in this newsjoumal are those of the author alone. CANADA AND HONG KONG PROJECT Director Coordinator Advisory Board Diana Lary Stephanie Gould Maurice Copithorne Denise Chong Dr. Bernie Frolic John Higginbolham Dr. T.G. McGee Graeme McDonald Jules Nadeau Dr. William Saywell Dr. Wang Gungwu We want to thank the Donner Canadian Foundation for its very generous support which has made this project possible. The Foundation's long-standing interest in Canada's international relations with Asia has enabled us to conduct research which we consider to be of great significance for the future of the country. In The Next Issue.... 1990 Immigration Statistics Problems of Interpreting Statistics Settlement in Manitoba Hong Kong and Japan This publication is tree. Please call or write lo us for past or Mure Issues. From page 2 Your Excellency, (he growth of Hong Kong from a quiet harbor on the South China Sea to a dynamic and creative center for global finance, trade and industry has been an extraordinary triumph of human will and ingenuity. It is also testimony to the values of human freedom and the rule of law. Canada has an abiding interest in the shape of post- 1997 Hong Kong. The undertakings between Great Britain and China, reflected in the Basic Law, provide a framework for the future. But that future will only be bright if these undertakings are observed in their spirit as well as their letter. There is no doubt that confidence in Hong Kong was shaken by the tragic events in the Chinese capital in June, 1989. You have already taken many positive steps to face this challenge. Canada strongly supports these steps - your bold infrastructure projects, your accelerated pace of democratization and your Bill of Rights. As you face the future, you can be assured of our steadfast support. Canada stands ready to help. Let me provide some examples. - We are exploring with Britain and China the establishment of a wide network of bilateral agreements between Hong Kong and Canada. This network would preserve the informal ties which have developed between Canada and Hong Kong. We believe this would be fully consistent with the Sino-British Joint Declaration. The purpose of that network will be to make it clear that the unique role of Hong Kong will not change in 1997. It is our goal to ensure that at the turn of the century the opportunities for cooperation between Canada and Hong Kong are the same then as they are now. - In 1988, we signed our first bilateral agreement with Hong Kong and there is now direct air service between Canada and Hong Kong. - In April of this year, we initialled a bilateral mutual legal assistance treaty. That agreement, the first ever entered into by Hong Kong, will promote co- operation in the fight against the international drug trade. - As Hong Kong drafted its Bill of Rights, we seconded a senior justice of the Federal Court to Hong Kong to assist in drafting that important document. Judge Strayer's contribution is a demonstration of our commitment to providing expertise as Hong Kong builds its own durable and democratic institutions. - We have initiated discussions designed to put in place an exchange program of officials between our two governments. This would enable young leaders to gain familiarity with the Canadian approach to the regulation of financial institutions, broadcasting, and transport. - Canada and Hong Kong have entered into discussions of a film co- production agreement. - And after the conclusion of the multilateral trade negotiations, we will explore a financial market access agreement whereby the existing environment governing financial institutions in Hong Kong is preserved. - Finally, Canada believes strongly that Hong Kong should participate in the emerging web of regional institutions. This includes Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation and the Pacific Economic Conference. We also strongly support Hong Kong's participation in other international agencies, including the GATT and OECD. Your Excellency, Canada's commitment to, and our faith in, the future of Hong Kong is unwavering. We have made this clear to both the British and Chinese governments. We are prepared to do our part to ensure that Hong Kong's future remains bright and that the relationship between us continues to be strong and to grow. Your Excellency, if you take back one message to the people of Hong Kong, let it be a clear and simple one: that Canada is committed to your success, and that we will stand by you faithfully in the critical years which lie ahead. UPDATE 3 Governor Wilson's Reply Thank you very much for your kind words. You have given us a truly magnificent welcome to Canada. I believe I am the first serving Governor of Hong Kong to visit this fine capital city. It is therefore right that I should, on behalf of the people of Hong Kong, express our thanks for everything that Canada and Canadians have done for our community over many years. Many years it is. In this context, I would like to pay particular tribute to the gallantry of the men of the Royal Rifles and Winnipeg Grenadiers who came to join in the defence of Hong Kong in 1941 with such conspicuous bravery. Their sacrifice is not, and will not be, forgotten. In more recent times, and happier circumstances, Canada has continued to make a major contribution to Hong Kong's welfare and prosperity. The Canadian business community in Hong Kong, now at least 11,500 strong, is flourishing and continues to expand. Trade between us is booming. We are developing close links in co-operation against drug trafficking. We have reached a new agreement on air services between Hong Kong and Canada, which provides for increased air links on both sides. And, as you know, we hope to open a new economic and trade office in Toronto before too long. Standing in this magnificent building, a wider theme occurs to me. That is the mingling of civilisations and traditions. In this respect Hong Kong and Canada have much in common. We are both multi-cultural societies. We share the advantages of creativity and vitality this brings. We share a high regard for human rights and values. We both enjoy vigorous free market economies. We are both international in our outlook. We are both major trading societies on the Pacific Rim, an area of enormous economic opportunity now and in the decades ahead. Perhaps all these shared experiences explain why we in Hong Kong feel that Canada understands us, and our special circumstances, so well. We have developed a close relationship cemented by trade, by investment, by education, and by personal ties. We are most grateful for the positive and active support which your government has offered to Hong Kong. You have a major economic and cultural stake in Hong Kong and its future prosperity, and we hope that you will continue to take good care of, and a close interest in, the investment your community has made. It is reassuring to know that, whatever the future may hold, we have a good friend across the Pacific. I hope and believe you will find Hong Kong has much to offer in return and that this Pacific partnership will endure. Destinations for Hong Kong People by Ho-yin Cheung Hong Kong The migration climate in Hong Kong has drawn international attention. The promulgation of the British Nationality (HK) Bill, which will grant 50 thousand heads of families and their dependents British citizenship has stirred up controversy in Hong Kong and overseas. Provisions similar to those in the British Nationality Bill have been made by many countries. It is widely criticized for its stipulations in favour of businessmen and professionals. Under the package, professionals will earn points for the number of years experience they possess in their fields. Years of experience for people in business will be linked directly to their salaries, with the most points awarded to those with the highest earnings. It seems likely that high income earners and those between 30 and 40 years of age with experience in their field will have the best chance of obtaining British passports. In the territory, such mechanisms are seen as prejudicial to the general populace and have aroused a pervasive sense of dissatisfaction with the package. The West German Government has promised right of abode to managerial staff and their families working for the 34 German companies in Hong Kong. However, the stringent requirements mean it is likely that only a small number will be granted residency rights. It is alleged that France, Belgium and Luxembourg have announced similar arrangements without specifying the number of people who might benefit. The American Chamber of Commerce has sent a delegation to Washington to lobby for more immigration visas for Hong Kong people. AmCham wants the number of visas to be increased from 5 thousand to 20 thousand annually and more visas to be allocated to employment and professional categories. The legislation is before a recently approved congressional committee in the U.S. A record 12 thousand people have applied for visas to emigrate with the Australian consulate in Hong Kong. (The actual number of people covered in the application would be about 24 thousand.) But immigration to Australia will be cut by 10 percent in the coming year to make room for about 20 thousand mainland Chinese students. The consulate expects that about 13 thousand immigrant visas will be issued to Hong Kong applicants. Singapore has adopted a rather different migration policy toward Hong Kong people. Hong Kong's skilled, clerical workers, blue-collar technicians and craftspeople are on its list of favoured migrants. Out of the migration quota of 25 thousand Hong Kong people, 13 thousand are allocated in the above mentioned categories. The actual relocation of people from Hong Kong to Singapore is so far about 400. There are estimates that as many as one fifth of emigrants are being lured back by money, friends and the quality of life in Hong Kong. Residency rights in a foreign country appear to be a necessary insurance policy for Hong Kong people. 4 UPDATE Barbara McDougall Visits H.K. by Diana Lary Toronto J Canada's Minister of Employment and Immigration, Barbara McDougall, visited Hong Kong in early September to familiarise herself with the emigration situation there and to meet officials of the H.K. Government and the Canadian Commission. Her visit coincided with that of the Australian Minister of Immigration, Gerry Hand. The ministers met the governor together on September 3rd. Neither spoke of the content of the meeting, though there were reports they had been urged not to try to entice "the cream of Hong Kong" away. In a speech, McDougall said that while the current slow down in processing applications and issuing visas had to do with the fact that the global figure of immigrants to Canada for 1990 had been reached, and did not relate specifically to Hong Kong, she also indicated that there would be no special "insurance scheme" (preferential visa treatment). "A basic requirement for all immigrants is that they share a commitment to Canada and to Canada's future. That is why we cannot, and will not, allow our immigration programs to be used simply as a kind of 'insurance policy'. "There has been speculation in the media recently that we are cutting back on immigration, specifically from Hong Kong. I cannot stress too strongly that this speculation is false. "Because the number of immigrants coming to Canada has been much higher than expected this year, we have been forced to temporarily slow down visa issuance. But this temporary slow down is not a cut back, and it is definitely not aimed at Hong Kong. It applies universally to all countries, and it is intended to give our service and support agencies time to adjust to increased demands," said McDougall. During the visit, the H.K. government estimate of the number of people who will leave Hong Kong in 1990 was published. At 62 thousand, it is nearly 50 percent above the figure for 1989. Government spokesman Mike Rowse said it consists largely of professionals between 25 and 40, people the government considers most essential to maintain stability in Hong Kong before and after 1997. British Nationality Proposals In late July, during the week that royal assent was given to the British Nationality (HK) Bill, which will grant British nationality to 50 thousand heads of families and their dependents, the junior Foreign Office Minister, Francis Maude, visited Peking, to try to mollify Chinese antipathy to the scheme. On July 25th, Maude had a public meeting with the Chinese premier, Li Peng, the man considered chiefly responsible for the Peking Massacre last year. Maude's visit was a publicity coup for Mr. Li, who has had few senior visitors this year, but was criticised in England as 'kowtowing' to Peking. The visit did not succeed in muting Chinese opposition to the British nationality scheme; the day after Maude left Peking, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs put out a statement which sternly reiterated Peking's rejection of it. Maude's visit coincided with the trial in Hong Kong of five members of the recently established United Democrats of Hong Kong, who were charged with the illegal use of loud hailers during protests in February against the Basic Law. They were convicted on July 27th. The trial was seen in Hong Kong as an effort on the part of the Hong Kong government to reassure Peking that Hong Kong would not be used as a base of "subversive" activities. It was not immediately clear whether the pettiness of the charges, launched under an antiquated, little used statute, was a demonstration that any act of defiance to China would be punished, or whether it was meant in a subtle way to ridicule Chinese fears of subversion. In the same week that Maude visited Peking, there was a rush in Hong Kong to apply for registration as British Dependent Territories citizens. Thousands of people tried to register before the deadline of July 27th; registration is a minimum qualification for application for British nationality. The process of selecting the 50 thousand heads of household will begin in December, 1990. One and a half million application forms will be distributed in November. The first passports will be issued at Easter, 1991. There is some concern that if the Chinese government continues to refuse recognition of these passports while the holders remain in Peking, the desired effect of the scheme of allowing people to remain in Hong Kong will be reversed, and passport holders will instead be forced to use them to leave Hong Kong. Xu Jiatun Leaves Hong Kong by Diana Lary «/ Toronto Many observers of the Hong Kong scene were startled to hear in May that Xu Jiatun, former director of the New China News Agency in Hong Kong, and de facto Chinese chief there, had left for California on an extended vacation. Xu has been a member of the Chinese Communist Party for 54 years, and at the time of his departure was still a member of its Central Committee. Xu retired from his position in February under a cloud because of his loss of control over previously pro-Communist elements in Hong Kong in May and June, 1989. On his departure he was publicly humiliated by his successor, Zhou Nan, who made a point of not thanking Xu for his many years of work in Hong Kong. Xu had done a good job on behalf of China, and had gained a measure of popularity in Hong Kong; his apparent understanding of capitalism - he described the modern capitalist system as "a great invention of human civilisation" - was both surprising and reassuring to many Hong Kong people. The fact that his departure was transformed into a dismissal conveyed another clear message that "niceness" in terms of China's treatment of Hong Kong was no longer in the cards. Xu was ordered to return to his home in Nanjing for his retirement; only his wife went - he and other members of his family went off to the States. Both the United States and the Chinese governments were careful not to refer to his move as a defection, though a three year tourist visas is unprecedented. Whether a defection or not, Xu is the most senior person to leave China since Lin Biao's attempt to fly out of China in 1973, an attempt which ended in his death when his plane was shot down. Xu's departure had a disturbing effect in Hong Kong, where the disillusionment of a top Chinese official gave no cause for encouragement about China's attitude towards Hong Kong. UPDATE 5 Demographic Characteristics of Hong Kong Immigrants by Diana Lary Toronto y In any migration, the characteristics of the migrants are determined in part by the nature of the applicants, and in part by the immigration policies of the host country. The pressure to leave Hong Kong before 1997 is an extra factor of major significance in the determination of who is emigrating and who is staying in the territory. Under different circumstances, many of the people now migrating would seem too well established to want to move. The demographic statistics from Employment and Immigration Canada cited below, give us some indication of what types of Hong Kong people are now immigrating to Canada. The figures are for immigrants whose country of last permanent residence (CLPR) was Hong Kong and who landed in Canada in 1988 and 1989; they do not yet include people who applied to emigrate in 1989, when the number of applications went up dramatically (see last Update). In looking at statistics for only two years, it is not easy to make worthwhile comparisons. These figures should be taken as an indication of the overall composition of the group, rather than as signs of significant changes from one year to the next. Principal immigrants (those who made the successful applications) accounted for somewhat under half the total number of immigrants in each year. This is consistent with the global proportion of principal to spouse and dependents of 1:1.2. 1988 % 1989 % Principal 10353 (44.47) 8407 (42.33) Spouse 5400 (23.19) 4359 (21.95) Dependents 7528 (32.34) 7083 (35.66) Total 23281 19861 Sex Females slightly outnumbered males by 52 percent to 48 percent in both 1988 and 1989. The percentage of female principal immigrants is unusually high - 41 percent in 1988, and 43 percent in 1989. Quite a large number of female principal immigrants sponsored their husbands: in 1988, 10.23 percent of all male immigrants were sponsored spouses; in 1989, 10.08 percent. Wives made up 35.09 percent of all female immigrants in 1988; 32.59 percent in 1989. This pattern is in part a reflection of employment demand; some of the categories in which there was high demand are ones dominated by women - viz. secretaries. Male Female 1988 Principal 6059 4294 Spouse 1140 4260 Dependent 3943 3585 Not stated Total 11142 12139 1989 Principal 4782 3625 Spouse 948 3411 Dependent 3661 3422 Not stated 5 7 Total 9396 10465 Marital status Approximately half of all immigrants in both 1988 and 1989 were married: in 1988, 50 percent were married, 46.8 percent single; in 1989, 48.6 percent were married, 48.3 percent single. While these statistics do not indicate whether spouses came to this country together, they do suggest, when dependent children are taken into account, an immigrant group heavily concentrated in families. 1988 1989 Single 10914 9603 Married 11645 9656 Widowed 503 437 Divorced 168 118 Separated 51 47 Total 23281 19861 Ages The current migration is concentrated in the most productive years: 50 percent of the immigrants in 1989 were between 25 and 44; in 1989, 48 percent. People over 45 accounted only for 15.65 percent in 1988; 17.25 percent in 1989. This is a standard age distribution for any immigrant group, and indicates that the pressure to leave Hong Kong has not greatly distorted normal patterns of migrant behaviour. 0-14 15-24 25-44 45-64 65+ 1988 5126 2825 11686 2911 733 23281 1989 4132 2769 9532 2723 705 19861 Language abilities Over half the Hong Kong immigrants who landed in 1988 and 1989 spoke English; for principal immigrants the percentages were even higher (77.12 percent in 1988; 70.82 percent in 1989). There was a decline in the proportion of English speakers from 1988 to 1989. The number of French speakers, both people who spoke French only, and people who were bilingual, did not reach 1 percent of the total in either year. The number of people who speak only their mother tongue (predominantly Cantonese) was high, and rose proportionately between 1988 and 1989. This rise can be attributed to the rise in the proportion of people coming in under the family class, from 13.7 percent in 1988 to 22.9 percent in 1989 (see last Update, p.2). 6 UPDATE Mother Bilingual tongue Total English French 1988 Principal 7984 49 66 2254 10353 Spouse 3374 6 18 2202 5400 Dependent 1718 1 7 5802 7528 Total 13076 56 91 10058 23281 % (56.17) (0.24) (0.39) (43.20) 1989 Principal 5954 21 57 2375 8407 Spouse 2366 3 11 1979 4359 Dependent 1905 2 7 5169 7083 Not stated 8 4 12 Total 10233 26 75 9527 19681 % (51.52) (0.13) (0.38) (47.97) Educational levels As a rule. Hong Kong people put great stress on education, though opportunities for university education have been limited by the fact that until now there have only been two small universities. The number of immigrants with one or more university degrees is not striking, (3597 or 15.05 percent in 1988; 2340 or 11.79 percent in 1989), but if principal immigrants are taken separately, then the figures for university graduates are 2869 (27.71 percent) in 1988, 1681 (20 percent) in 1989. The number of people with trade certificates, non-university post-secondary training or university diplomas is quite substantial: 5959 or 25.60 percent in 1988; 4807 or 24.22 percent in 1989. The number of principal immigrants with such training was 3980 or 38.44 percent in 1988; 3116 or 37.10 percent in 1989. At the bottom end, in 1988, 3503 (33.83 percent) principal immigrants had secondary school education or less, as did 3119 (57.75 percent) spouses and 7101 (94.32 percent) dependents (the great majority of dependents would be infants or children still in school). In 1989, the figures for secondary school education or less were: principal immigrants, 3603 (42.85 percent), spouses, 2803 (64.3 percent) and dependents 6292 (88.83 percent). 1988 % 1989 % None 2660 (11.43) 2031 (10.23) Secondary or less 11063 (47.52) 10672 (53.76) Trade certificate 3282 (14.10) 2527 (12.73) Non-university 1974 (8.48) 1458 (7.35) Univ, non-degree 703 (3.02) 822 (4.14) B.A. 2665 (11.45) 1740 (8.77) Post-graduate 192 (0.82) 123 (0.62) Master 702 (3.02) 445 (2.24) Ph.D. 38 (0.16) 32 (0.16) Not known 2 Total 23281 19861 Principal immigrants: education 1988 % None 384 (3.71) Secondary or less 3119 (30.13) Trade certificate 2255 (21.78) Non-university 1354 (13.08) Univ. non-degree 371 (3.58) B.A. 2137 (20.64) Post-grad 127 (1.23) Master 579 (5.59) Ph.D. 26 (0.25) Not known 1 Total 10353 Spouses: education levels None 203 (3.76) Secondary or less 2916 (54.00) levels 1989 272 3331 1728 986 402 1231 89 338 23 7 8407 (3.24) (39.65) (20.57) (11.74) (4.79) (14.65) (1.06) (4.02) (0.27) Trade certificate Non-university Univ. non-degree B.A. Post-grad Master Ph.D Not known Total 921 (17.06) 576 (10.67) 70 (1.30) (9.67) (1.07) (2.26) (0.22) 156 (3.58) 2647 (60.72) 639 (14.66) 376 (8.62) 522 58 122 12 5400 81 347 27 78 8 4359 (1.86) (7.96) (0.62) (1.79) (0.18) Dependents: educational levels None 2073 (27.54) Secondary or less 5028 (66.80) Trade certificate Non-university Univ. no degree B.A. Post-grad Master Ph.D Not known Total Occupation 106 44 262 6 7 1 1 7528 (1.41) (0.58) (3.48) (0.08) (0.09) (0.01) (0.01) 1600 (22.60) 4692 (66.28) 160 (2.26) 95 (1.34) 335 (4.73) 160 (2.26) 7 (0.10) 29 (0.41) 1 (0.01) 4 (0.04) 7083 Listed here are the occupations people hope to take up on arrival in Canada. To some extent they reflect occupational demand (viz. secretarial). Independent immigrants applying in categories of high demand get more points than do people applying in areas of low demand. There were some changes in the occupational composition of the immigrant group from 1988 to 1989. The percentage of entrepreneurs rose from 4.67 percent in 1988 to 6.48 percent in 1989, while the managerial and administrative category declined from 12.35 percent to 8.61 percent. New workers rose from 4.35 percent to 10.12 percent; this category is made up largely of people coming into Canada as dependents in the family class or as refugees. These figures do not differentiate between principal immigrants and their spouses or dependents; it can be assumed that the vast majority of those listed as 'other workers' are children. DEMOGRAPHICS - next page We would like to thank Meyer Bur stein, Director, Strategic Planning and Research, Employment and Immigration Canada, for his help in making these statistics available to UPDATE 7 "Place" and "Face": One by Wendy Tang Toronto V Many recent immigrants from Hong Kong are accomplished professionals and entrepreneurs. Yet too much attention has been focused on their economic power. Despite their previous achievements, these people still face the challenge of re- establishing their former social status in this country. As Max Weber once pointed out, mere economic power is by no means the sole basis of social honor. New immigrants, with few exceptions, experience downward social mobility. My own experience, and that of many others I know, seems to bear this out. An immigrant who has an academic or professional degree from a North American university should be able to secure a position comparable to his former occupational attainments. It is very difficult, if not impossible, for those immigrants who are "self- made" individuals to do the same. Experience is all they have, but it is not Canadian experience. In 1985, armed with fifteen years of experience at an executive level, I had to start from the very beginning at York University as a clerk/typist/receptionist to gain "Canadian" experience. It was only after many good supervisory reports on my first few assignments that I was approached with an offer of a permanent and better position. Of course, I did have another option at the time: working in Canada for a Chinese employer at a lower salary but with higher status. In addition to demotion in occupational status, the new immigrant experiences self-perceived demotion which is attributable to the structure of Canadian society. Hong Kong is a highly stratified society with a good supply of cheap labour. Consequently, the small middle class, to which the great majority of immigrants from Hong Kong belong, enjoys many services and comforts for just a tiny fraction of their income. In the workplace, for example, administrative personnel are served by a large pool of "minor staff who perform all kinds 8 UPDATE Immigrant's Experience of menial tasks such as photocopying, message delivery, and filling teacups. Thus, immigrants from Hong Kong starting out in Canada may perceive a loss of status as they suddenly find themselves deprived of the personal benefits derived from cheap labour. Worse still, they may find themselves performing menial tasks for others! Another factor influencing the immigrant's employment status is the loss of business, familial, and social networks: the old-boy connection, personal links, or what would be referred to in Chinese as guan-xi . The new immigrant can no longer "pull strings" because he or she no longer has pals in high places. So, instead of picking up the phone and calling a friend in the government department responsible for employment, he/she now has to line up with the "common" people early in the morning. This scenario is duplicated in the workplace. The immigrant has no more properly positioned "good friends" to give him or her "face." Everything is done in a formal and business-like manner. Rules are to be observed down to the letter, which is especially true in a unionized work environment. Guan-xi may not be particular to the Chinese, but the fact that one is not a "local boy or girl" denies one access to local networks. This situation inevitably gives rise to the perception of lost status, especially for someone who is used to being "somebody." Higher social status generally results in special privileges and unequal access to opportunity. Its loss, therefore, should not be regretted. Unfortunately, status is often correlated positively with self-esteem. The loss of status and a diminished sense of self-esteem is intensified by feelings of personal inefficiency in a new environment. Psychologically disoriented, some individuals react with resignation while forcing their hopes onto their children. Some individuals find compensation in other aspects of life. Some turn into incessant complainers. And still others choose to postpone the inevitable by staying in Hong Kong as long as possible while sending the family over first. Canada needs the human and economic resources provided by immigrants from Hong Kong, while Hong Kong emigrants believe they need a haven from the risks of the change of government in 1997. A healthy relationship between new immigrants from Hong Kong and the Canadian people cannot, therefore, be left to chance but must be engineered with care and intelligence. Demographic Characteristics from page 7 1988 % 1989 % Entrepreneur 1087 (4.67) 1276 (6.48) Managerial & Admin. 2876 (12.35) 1696 (8.61) Science, engineering 1170 (5.02) 493 (2.5) Social Science 283 (1.22) 131 (0.66) Religion 19 (0.18) 22 (0.11) Teacher 148 (0.64) 95 (0.48) Medicine & health 335 (1.44) 215 (1.08) Arts 275 (1.18) 242 (1.22) Sports & recreation 4 (0.02) 2 (0.01) Clerical 2604 (11.19) 1872 (9.43) Sales 912 (3.92) 632 (3.18) Service 325 (1.4) 344 (1.73) Farming 8 (0.03) 4 (0.02) Fishing, hunting 7 (0.03) Forestry 1 (0.00) Mining (0.00) Processing 20 (0.09) 21 (0.11) Machining 27 (0.12) 23 (0.12) Fabricating 361 (1.55) 250 (1.26) Construction 49 (0.21) 58 (0.29) Transport 31 (0.13) 18 (0.09) Material handling 23 (0.1) 11 (0.06) Other crafts 53 (0.23) 55 (0.28) New workers 1013 (4.35) 1994 (10.04) Other workers 11650 (50.04) 10407 (52.40) Tolal 23281 1986 French Language Courses More Popular Than Ever in Hong Kong by Francis Allard Toronto si As central as they are to helping define the political climate in Canada, language issues also play an important role in the nation's immigration policy. While it is generally less important in determining the outcome of applications by investors or entrepreneurs, language proficiency may be very important for other immigrants in the independent class. While Canada's national immigration policy and Quebec's provincial one use a similar point system, the number of points allocated in each category differs. In the language category, out of 15 points, Canada allocates a maximum of nine points for the applicant's knowledge of French or English (whichever the applicant is most fluent in), with another maximum of six points for the second of these languages. Quebec, on the other hand, allocates a maximum of 15 points for the knowledge of French, while English receives only two points. For Hong Kong people who have decided to apply for immigration at the Quebec office rather than at the Canadian Commission (in some cases because they have decided that the overall requirements are less stringent in Quebec), this decision may entail learning French in order to improve their chances of scoring high in the language category. While language proficiency may be of little consequence in the case of those many "business" immigrants from Hong Kong who scored high in the point system while having little or no knowledge of French, the same is not true of the many non-business immigrants who wish to enter Canada through Quebec, where such proficiency becomes an important issue. In fact, Hong Kong based immigration lawyers are advising their clients to learn French prior to their interviews. The desire to emigrate to Canada is believed to be at least partly responsible for a rapid increase in enrolments at Alliance Francaise (AF), France's "instrument" for the dissemination of French culture abroad. The school has seen a marked increase in the number of people learning French at their Hong Kong offices, which together mark the territory as AF's third or fourth largest presence in the world. The number of such students jumped from 7,040 in 1986- 87 to well over 13 thousand in 1989- 90, with a particularly strong demand for French courses in the last year. Mi. Herve Braneyre, of the central AF office in Hong Kong, points out that, although the school does not poll its students as to their reasons for enrolling, and although some of the increase may be explained by the opening of a new centre in the New Territories, there is little doubt that many students are in fact looking to improve their chances of emigrating to Quebec (other French-speaking countries have not been attracting as many Hong Kong people because of their more restrictive immigration policies, said Braneyre). Already plagued by a declining birth rate and a smaller share of immigrants (16%) than its demographic weight in Canada (25%), Quebec also faces the problem of ensuring that the newly arrived immigrants will decide to remain in the province rather than leave for anglophone communities in other parts of Canada. Though there are no formal statistics, many Hong Kong immigrants who have obtained a CSQ (Certificat de Selection du Quebec) leave the province soon after their arrival, often moving to Toronto or Vancouver. In order to solve this problem and allay dissatisfaction from its French speaking community about the lack of integration by some ethnic groups, Quebec is now trying to promote immigration from French-speaking countries which are culturally most similar to it, such as France and Belgium. In the case of Hong Kong, it has come up with a solution which it hopes may in the long run prove beneficial. On August 29, Monique Gagnon-Tremblay, Quebec's Ministre des Communautes Culturelles et de l'lmmigration, signed an agreement with Alliance Francaise establishing a two semester pilot project in which 50-60 people now holding a CSQ will take French language courses given by teachers from Quebec (or French teachers who are familiar with the province), using Quebec leaching materials. With Monlmartrc giving way to la rue Saint-Denis in the textbooks, the hope is that early identification with Quebecois culture will facilitate the integration of immigrants following their arrival in the province. It is also possible that the program may be expanded later to allow prospective applicants (those without a CSQ) to take the classes. Report From China's Capital by Mark Rowswell Beijing V Chinese press coverage of Hong Kong over the past few months can be easily divided under three headings: positive economic reports, criticism of London's nationality package (the British Nationality [Hong Kong] Act 1990) and calls for unity and cooperation between Hong Kong and the mainland. All the coverage gives the reader the impression that everything is fine and would be even better if the British stopped meddling and Hong Kongers quit squabbling. The positive economic reports come in the form of short summaries of selectively chosen statistics. Glowing coverage was given to the official opening of the 70-storey Bank of China (BOC) building in May, an occasion attended by the president of the state-owned bank, Wang Deyan. BOC loans to local Hong Kong industries were said to have increased by 17 percent, but no time frame was specified. Headlines such as "HK sees increase in foreign firms," and "More ships arrive in Hong Kong" appeared in the week before the British parliament passed the nationality package. This move by London, which grants full British citizenship, including right of abode in the United Kingdom, to 50,000 heads of families and their dependents, has been repeatedly criticized in the Chinese press. A new round of condemnation followed the British Parliament's final passing of the proposals in July. The Chinese claim that the nationality package is a clear violation of the spirit of the Sino-British Joint Declaration and other relevant agreements. Beijing has BEIJING - page 11 UPDATE 9 Return Migration to Hong Kong by Josephine Smart Calgary Emigration is nothing new for Hong Kong, but the recent wave of 1997-related departures of skilled and professional, middle-class Chinese to Canada, Australia and the United States has caused much concern and debate. An estimated 95 thousand people left in the period 1986 to 1988 [scmp, 20-H-1988]. In 1989 alone, over 42 thousand people left Hong Kong. The Hong Kong government estimates a net out migration of 425,664 persons for the period 1989-1996 [scmp, 8-os- 1990]. Some multinational companies are concerned enough about the instability generated by the steady loss of qualified personnel to consider moving their headquarters to Thailand [Hong Kong Business Today, March 1988; 17-18]. Local residents, many enjoying unprecedented wage increases and promotional opportunities due to the increasing labour demand, also express concern about the economic and social stability of Hong Kong as a result of the "brain drain". The government, naturally, tries to downplay the negative impact of brain drain [scmp, 17-03-1989). However, even the government admits that foreign investors are shying away from Hong Kong because of the brain drain [Hong Kong Standard 6-19-1989]. It is not surprising that both the public and private sectors in Hong Kong share a common interest in return migration of Hong Kong emigrants. More pointedly, they are interested in finding ways to encourage and facilitate return migration. The Institute of Personnel Management, representing 665 major firms in Hong Kong, has just launched a plan code named Net Project to reverse the brain drain via active recruitment of Hong Kong immigrants in North America and Australia [scmp. 15-05-1990]. Similarly, the Hong Kong government is considering sending senior officials overseas to lure Hong Kong emigrants and university students back to the territory [scmp, i2-io-i989]. Many multinational companies have been doing that for some time with mixed results. Last year. Price Waterhouse advertised in Toronto for positions in Hong Kong and received 800 responses, of which 120 were interviewed for positions as accountants, engineers, marketing and financial consultants. In contrast, Louis Thomas of Odgers and Company received only 67 responses from his English and Chinese advertisements in Vancouver last October seeking Hong Kong professionals who wished to return [SCMP, 12-10-1989]. Nobody knows exactly how many emigrants return to Hong Kong to live and work despite repeated attempts by the government and other non- government bodies, like the Institute of Personnel Management, to pin-point the phenomenon through surveys. In a recent government survey of 60 thousand people, the result was considered invalid due to the people's unwillingness to respond truthfully to a survey on the subject after the June massacre in Beijing in 1989 [scmp, 21- 05-1990]. In an earlier survey in 1989, a government task force found that there were about 41 thousand Hong Kong people holding foreign passports who had returned to the territory [scmp, 9-09-1989]. The Canadian Commission estimated there are about 26 to 29 thousand Canadian passport holders of Hong Kong origin living in Hong Kong in 1990 [scmp. 22-04-1990]. It is not clear from these figures whether the people included are recent emigrants or whether they left Hong Kong more than a decade ago and whether their stay in Hong Kong is temporary or permanent. There is a general optimism about return migration based on the belief that once they secure their foreign passport and citizenship, emigrants will be attracted to the greater economic opportunities in Hong Kong. At present, the return rate of recent Hong Kong emigrants is estimated at 10-15 percent [scmp, 22-04 1990]. It is expected that the rate of return will increase from 1991 under the influence of more active overseas recruitment campaigns and the ongoing strength of the Hong Kong economy. The optimism about return migration, however, is not shared by all. The recruitment of Hong Kong emigrants holding foreign passports to alleviate the labour shortage in Hong Kong is at the best a band-aid solution. Many, if not all, of the returnees will leave again in or before 1997 when The People's Republic of China takes over Hong Kong [Ming Pao, 9-01-1990]. In a recent survey by the City Polytechnic of Hong Kong, about 50 percent of returned emigrants indicated they would leave before 1997 [scmp. 6-01-1990]. More importantly, the assumption that economic incentives are the primary driving force behind return migration is both simplistic and misleading. It cannot be denied that economic factors are major issues for some returnees. A survey by The Survey Research HongKong in 1990 revealed that almost half of those coming back to Hong Kong did so because they could earn more or find better jobs in the territory, a third cited nostalgia and other social reasons as the reason for coming back, and a fifth came back because they had trouble adapting to life overseas (scmp, 12-07-1990]. The significant number of "astronauts" with or without a foreign passport living and working in Hong Kong while their family lives overseas is a strong indication that good jobs and high wages are strong attractions indeed for some. However, money alone is unlikely to increase the return rate significantly. There are several major factors contributing to many emigrants' lack of interest in return migration. First, it may not be economically viable to return to Hong Kong after living overseas for several years to qualify for citizenship and a new passport. Even with a job guarantee, the new job in Hong Kong may not pay sufficiently to cover the cost of relocation. Housing is extremely expensive in Hong Kong, it can cost up to Cdn$l million to duplicate an average Canadian family's living space and style in Hong Kong. The children will not be able to follow the more rigorous curriculum and higher demand of Chinese language skills in the public schools. The only alternative is the international schools which offer North American, British and, in future, Canadian curricula. There are 17 international schools at the secondary level and 28 at the primary and pre- school level. Altogether they offer about 10 thousand places at a cost of Cdn$3-$10 thousand a year which 10 UPDATE increases by 15-20 percent every year |SCMP, 1303-1989; 18-06-1990; 29-06-1990) .A Some schools have a waiting list of several years iscmp, 04-03-19901. For a returnee, a move back to Hong Kong is simply not viable economically if his income cannot cover these and other costs. Some companies obviously will pay a candidate that they really need and want, but other companies are expressing concern about the divisive effect of offering returnees a better package than that offered to their local staff [scmp, n-03- 1989]. Such differential treatment is likely to cause internal unrest and loss of staff loyalty. Secondly, many social and non- economic factors arising from an emigrant's experience of living in another country can affect his/her decision about return migration. Some Hong Kong emigrants left initially with the intention of returning after they obtained their foreign passport, and their experience of downward mobility and loss of status/rank and income in the new host country might very well intensify this desire for return migration in their first year away from Hong Kong. However, as time goes on, they experience a way of life that they enjoy like nothing they ever had in Hong Kong. They have more time to spend with their family, they have more space to themselves, their children enjoy school and the parents no longer have to spend all evenings and holidays supervising and preparing the children for the never ending examinations. They can slow down and take holidays, they no longer have to drive like Mad Max or to get all stressed out on the road to avoid aggressive drivers as they did in Hong Kong. They can be more casual in their dress and lifestyle since there is not the same pressure on consumption and keeping up with the Joneses. In short, they become more human. They are happier. Many still miss the excitement and material extravagance of Hong Kong, but at the same time they are not willing to give up their better quality of life in return for more money, more stress, more pollution and more work. One senior telecommunications executive from Hong Kong earning a yearly income of close to Cdn$100 thousand before he left last month sums it up this way, "I have had enough of it. I sold my body and soul to the company for almost twenty years. Now I want to live." For people like that, no amount of money will lure him back to Hong Kong before or after 1997. Lastly, most professionals and middle-class Chinese leave Hong Kong because they fear the uncertainty of 1997. They give up their career, income and status in order to resettle their family in a place they can call home permanently. The relative lack of interest in Singapore, Taiwan and a myriad of smaller and unstable countries as a final destination for Hong Kong emigrants, reflects clearly this sentiment Return migration, for these emigrants, means a transitional phenomenon that will be modified or reversed once the conditions change. Older folks may return to live in Hong Kong for social and cultural reasons, but they will move back to North America or Australia if political and social stability in Hong Kong should worsen. "Astronaut" husbands and wives will continue their divided existence between Hong Kong and another country for as long as the economic incentives are strong, and the social pressure to rejoin the family remains low. In view of the increasing awareness of the psychological and social problems associated with the astronaut phenomenon, maybe more Hong Kong emigrants would decide not to become "astronauts" in order to reduce the possibility of divorce, generational hostility and mental stress associated with single-parenthood and migration [Hong Kong Standard, 28-04-1990; Lam, 1990; Smart, in press]. Most return emigrants intend to take their family out of Hong Kong before 1997 to ensure their safety. If conditions remain good in Hong Kong after 1997 they may go back, but clearly they do not intend to put their families at risk for the sake of money or position. It must be made clear to the policy makers and other significant players in Hong Kong that return migration before or after 1997 is a volatile phenomenon governed only partially by economic forces. There are the many social and individualistic factors that no amount of money or material attraction can displace to increase the rate of return migration or to keep the returnees in Hong Kong for any longer than they wish. References: Hong Kong Business Today, Hong Kong Standard; Lawrence Lam, The New Chinese Immigrants in Toronto: The Hidden Injury of Their Migration, Paper presented at the Learned Societies Meetings, University of Victoria, May 1990, Josephine Smart. Immigration and Household Formation: The Emergence of Female-centred Households Among Hong Kong Business Immigrants in Canada, International Migration Review, South China Morning Post [SCMP). Report from Beijing from page 9 declared that it will not recognise the British citizenships granted to "a number of Hong Kong Chinese citizens" and vowed that "the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will be composed of local inhabitants." This latest round of criticism was merely a repetition of previous statements by China. The remainder of news articles on Hong Kong consist of calls for stability and a sense of unity and cooperation among Chinese from the mainland and Hong Kong. This was the thrust of CCP General Secretary Jiang Zemin's message to prominent Hong Kong figures such as Li Ka Shing when they met in Shenzhen in June. Also in June, director of the Hong Kong branch of the Xinhua News Agency, Zhou Nan, urged Hong Kong businessmen to learn how to live in harmony and cooperate under the "one country, two systems" arrangement. These calls reflect Beijing's desire to avoid the internationalization of the Hong Kong question and instead treat it as an internal Chinese affair. Chinese press coverage of Hong Kong has been very sparse, especially in comparison with news related to Taiwan. Beijing apparently believes that the Hong Kong question has been settled and any difficulties arising during the transition of power to the mainland can and must be solved by the Chinese government, without interference from international or dissident Hong Kong forces. UPDATE 11 Hong Kong in Canada-China Trade by Philip Calvert Ottawa • Hong Kong was born out of Sino- British hostilities over access to the China market, and its proximity to China has dominated its life ever since. Created by the treaty which ended the first Opium War in 1842, Hong Kong has served as a listening post for the gathering of intelligence on mainland China, as a goal for refugees from the mainland, and as a centre for the study of Chinese politics, history and culture. The impact of its proximity has also dominated its economic life. Although Hong Kong in its own right serves as an important market for Canadian goods and services, the territory has also become increasingly important for the access it provides to China and the Chinese market. Hong Kong based trading companies are playing important intermediary roles in the expansion and maturing of trade relations, and with the increasing economic presence of China in Hong Kong and the growing fusion and interdependence of the two economies, this role is likely to become even more important in the future. Re-exports dominate Hong Kong's export trade. According to figures provided by the Hong Kong Trade Development Council, the territory's 1989 re-exports were worth about US$44 billion, as compared with US$29 billion worth of domestic exports. Figures for the first six months of 1990 indicate a continuation, even a strengthening of this trend: the value of re-exports (US$23.5 billion) was nearly double that of domestic exports (US$12.9 billion). The bulk of the re-export trade comes from factories in Guangdong (Canton Province), China, where assembling and processing is carried out for foreign (mainly Hong Kong) companies. These re-exports of Chinese origin continue to increase, despite a drop this year in Hong Kong's overall re-export trade. Re- exports also play an important role in Canada's trade with Hong Kong and China. Currently, Canada exports about $1.1 billion (Canadian) to Hong Kong, about 25 percent (or $275 million) of which is re-exported; of this, about 80 percent (or $220 million) goes to the People's Republic of China. Figures on the value of exports passing through Hong Kong trading houses, however, only tell part of the story, for Hong Kong's importance in Sino-Canadian trade takes on many more dimensions. Many Canadian companies and organisations, including some provincial governments, have offices in Hong Kong which serve as a base for their Asian activities, allowing for more regular, frequent contact with Asian markets — including China - and promoting the development of ongoing personal associations which are so important to the conduct of business in this region. Other companies make use of Hong Kong agents for the promotion of their activities in China. A good agent can provide an understanding of the language and cultural traditions of the market: proximity to the mainland, careful cultivation of contacts within the Chinese bureaucracy, and the judicious use of ties of ethnicity and locality can give them access to essential technical or commercial intelligence, while knowledge of the structure of, and key players within, the Chinese bureaucracy can allow them to cut through the red tape associated with transactions in China. Of course, any company wishing to have its own effective Hong Kong office will be aware of these considerations when hiring its own staff as well. The use of Hong Kong offices or Hong Kong-based trading companies and agents (some of which have offices in Canada) continues to play an important role within the framework of Canadian trade with China. Wheat, of course, dominates our exports to China: this is managed through negotiations between the Canadian Wheat Board and central agencies in China, and shipped mainly through northern ports such as Dalian and Tianjin. However, a significant part of the growth of trade in other sectors comes from activities generated or managed through Hong Kong. This trade tends to focus on South China, where ties of language and personal connections are stronger. The growth of Hong Kong export industries based in Guangdong and China's Special Economic Zones (SEZ's), however, also reflects the growing interdependence of the economies of China (particularly South China) and Hong Kong. Hong Kong companies are major investors in the mainland, and the most powerful Hong Kong entrepreneurs have access to China's top leadership. In the past few years, Chinese government corporations, particularly China International Trust and Investment Corporation (OTIC), have been investing heavily in the Hong Kong economy, especially in the energy and transportation sectors. CITIC now has shares in Cathay Pacific, Dragon Air and Hong Kong Telecom, and is pursuing interests in China Light and Power. It is significant, too, that when the United States was considering not renewing China's Most Favoured Nation Status, the Hong Kong government and business leaders strongly urged that the status be renewed, arguing that cancellation of this status would have devastating effects on the Hong Kong economy. As we approach 1997, we can expect the two economies to become even more interlocked, and Hong Kong's importance as an entrepot to become more crucial in trade relations with the People's Republic of China. Workshop on Project's Future / On June 1, 1990, the Asia Pacific Foundation in Vancouver hosted the first workshop of the Canada and Hong Kong Project since it began operations in January of this year. Key participants from Toronto, Vancouver, and Victoria gathered to help define the issues to be addressed over the course of the four year project. The day was divided into four sessions: an Introduction, Hong Kong Issues, Settlement Issues and International Issues. During the morning sessions. Professor Diana Lary, Director of the Project, led informal discussions on the project's objectives and issues to be addressed in research, workshops, conferences, newsjournals and publications. The issues include how new immigrants from Hong Kong are perceived by Canadians including the Chinese community and how they are portrayed in media reports. Professor Lary said the project is to be a sober counter-balance to any existing or potentially negative atmosphere anywhere in Canada in response to the large-scale immigration of people from Hong Kong. WORKSHOP - page 16 12 UPDATE Immigration Brings New Challenges for B.C. Schools y* by Stephanie Gould Toronto Like many others in Canada's urban areas, school districts in British Columbia, especially in Richmond, Surrey and Burnaby, are facing the challenge of rapidly increasing enrolments of children recently arrived from Hong Kong. For the second year in a row. School District #38 in Richmond, is not accepting fee-paying international students this year because English as a Second Language (ESL) Programs are bursting at the seams. Mr. Rubin Chan, Director of Special Programs, reports that from 1982-1986, the school district had 180-190 students enroled in ESL classes; in 1987, 220; in 1988, 400; in 1989, 950; in September of this year there are 2100 ESL students. "Last year, every month, 50-70 new kids needed ESL. This gives you an idea of the magnitude and speed of change. Ninety percent of these are from Hong Kong and Taiwan," said Chan. Last year, the school district subsidized the program by over a million dollars. Funding from the Ministry of Education in B.C. is based on a head count on the 30th of September every year. "They kept coming, every month we'd get 50-70 [students], so for those that arrived after September 30th, we did not get funding," said Chan. "We have made submissions to our local MLA and to our MPs and they said they would look into it and try to come up with a funding formula that is more equitable." Despite lack of funding, the school board has taken a "pro-active" approach to meet the challenges of a rapid influx of new students. "Now, this is an evolution rather than a revolution because we have some inkling about the fact that there will be more and more coming, not knowing the magnitude of the whole thing," said Chan. Programs have been designed and implemented for teachers, students and parents. Much has been accomplished by an ESL Teacher Consultant, "who organized our teachers and administrators to raise their awareness, acceptance and their understanding of the students' needs." At monthly meetings, coordinators of ESL programs "compare notes and share ideas so we can help each other meet the challenge of the newly arrived ESL students, said Chan. The board has worked closely with community organizations and the teacher's association to organize professional workshops and seminars. Members of community groups working with Indo-Chinese and Indo- Canadians have been brought in to speak and meet with teachers. Last year, the theme of the annual teachers' association convention was multiculturalism and English as a Second Language. They are also working with local universities to offer credit courses for teachers. University professors are teaching credit courses in multiculturalism, teaching ESL and teaching ESL students in regular classrooms. Chan said the courses, which are offered in Richmond to save teachers travelling to university, are oversubscribed. A program for students called English as a Second Culture was designed to provide orientations about Canada and Richmond "as cultural communities." A buddy system has also been started in the schools. "We call them friendship clubs where you have the kids make friends and work together. And that's to avoid any possible racial tensions." Chan is also pleased with the reception of the first orientations and workshops for parents last October. "We have set up parents' nights to provide orientations about the community, about what the education system can offer, the health department and support services in the community. Last year, over 200 parents came to the meeting. That was followed by a one day workshop on parenting called 'Bringing Up Children in the Land of Your Choice' and about 100 people showed up for that day." Chan admits that there are still many problems to be overcome, but he prefers to see them as challenges and opportunities. "A lot of people see the immigration as a problem. You know, of course it has presented us with many challenges, like funding, staffing and whatnot. But it has also offered us many opportunities to cultivate acceptance, understanding and multiculturalism." Expo Site Still an Issue by Tan Xiaobing Vancouver sy In April 1988, the site of Expo '86 sold to a consortium headed by Hong Kong billionaire Li Ka-shing. The site is about 96 hectares, or one sixth of the downtown area, by some estimates. The sale to off-shore interests aroused public concern and controversy among politicians because the property is seen by some as "the jewel in the city's crown". Not long after, Grace McCarthy, then B.C. Minister of Economic Development, resigned. Four months later, the B.C. Enterprise Corporation (BCEC) board, which engineered the sale, was fired. Premier Vander Zalm advocated the sale, then, after it was signed, called for it to be renegotiated. Later, he again supported the sale as it had originally been negotiated. The concern and controversy remain strong. On April 28, two years after the land was sold, the Vancouver Sun published reports to provide the public with more information on the central questions: how much money the government got from the sale, and why the land was sold to the Hong Kong company. According to reports, the B.C. government will get between $125 million and $320 million, depending on how it is calculated. Li Ka-shing's Concord Pacific Developments Ltd. will have paid a total of $320 million by the year 2003. Once interest is deducted, the company will have paid $125 million. Grace McCarthy says the land was sold for the "market value" determined by an open-bidding process. But there were only two potential buyers, Li's Concord Pacific and the Vancouver Land Corp., a consortium headed by Vancouver developer Jack Poole. Only Li's company proposal met the B.C. cabinet's objective of privatizing the lands quickly. Poole's bid included a 25-percent participation by the province. A third potential bidder, Toronto-based Bramalea Ltd., asked for more time to submit a proposal but was turned down by BCEC, under pressure from the premier to proceed. Li's company paid about $1.3 million a hectare. The B.C. government must EXPO - page 15 UPDATE 13 Sky Lee: Embracing the Past with Love and Anger ^ by Stephanie Gould Toronto "Documents and facts are intended to direct our prejudiced hearts but rarely provide direction by themselves. I have boxes and boxes of documents but what I need is vision and vision comes from relationship. Facts bereft of love direct us nowhere." Joy Kogawa in Magdalene Redekop, "The Literary Politics of the Victim," Canadian Forum . November 1989. Sky Lee's recent novel, Disappearing Moon Cafe , like Joy Kogawa's Obasan , is based on historical documents and facts. Like Kogawa's, Lee's "vision comes from relationship"; history and fact are transformed into fiction by intense feeling, if not love. In her first novel, which Lee describes as a "protest novel," the characters, plots and themes are animated by protest and anger. Lee's voice of protest is "a Chinese voice that has been silenced for many, many decades here in Canada," she said. It has taken several generations for Chinese Canadians to regain the cultural voice which they lost in the "process of being displaced from China to Canada." Lee researched and wrote Disappearing Moon Cafe over a fifteen year period while she worked as a nurse and a single parent to her six year old son. The novel is not autobiographical, but her themes are strongly influenced by her own experience as a woman and a Chinese Canadian. One of five children born into a Chinese Canadian family who lived in Port Alberni, a small mill town in British Columbia, Lee experienced poverty and isolation as a child. Her mother, who was bom in Burma, was barred from coming to Canada by the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1923 which was not repealed until 1947. Her father was bom in Canada, but in keeping with tradition, he returned to China to "take a wife." Many things have changed since her family came to Canada, but Lee said Chinese Canadians experience as much prejudice and stereotyping as ever. Her novel will have special significance for people leaving behind a whole way of life to come to Canada -- especially people who share her own cultural roots, such as those moving from Hong Kong, said Lee. "I think the human response to displacement, alienation, isolation are the same experience [as they were early in this century]. And the nice thing about Disappearing Moon is that those things are not at all diminished. On the other hand, they are not portrayed as something that is crushing emotionally. Given a certain intactness of being people will not only survive but thrive." For Lee, the book is a celebration of her cultural roots. She believes Chinese Canadians have always been, not "ethnic," but part of the "mainstream". The novel traces the history of the Wong family over five generations, beginning with Wong Gwei Chang, who fell in love with a native woman in the wilds of British Columbia where he hunted for the bones of deceased railway workers. "There's a way in which I just assume that we are very mainstream, very much present. And I've never really had to defend that in the book. That's the wonderful part. In the book you'll find that there are recorded incidences of racism over and over again. But they seem to be very much on the outside. And the personal drama that's happening within the community, within the generations of women in the Wong family, were very much the centre stage. And they had no other sense of themselves except as that." LEE - next page Democracy Month in Toronto by Yang He Toronto V Overseas Chinese in Toronto used to be regarded as hardworking citizens who concentrate their lives on business and aren't particularly interested in politics. But this image has changed dramatically since the June 4th event in Tiananmen Square in 1989. Like overseas Chinese around the world, the Chinese community in Toronto has been mobilized and united by the student-led democratic movement in Beijing. During May and June, 1989, many community and student organizations, including the Toronto Association for Democracy in China, the Federation for a Democratic China (Toronto chapter), the Chinese Alliance for Democracy (Toronto), the Federation of Chinese Students & Scholars in Canada, Design for Democracy and the University of Toronto Students Concerned About Student Movement in China were established. These groups play a leading role in organizing activities to support the student movement in Beijing. To commemorate the anniversary of June 4th, the Toronto Association for Democracy in China and Design for Democracy launched a joint project, Democracy Month, from May 4 to June 4, 1990 in Toronto. Democracy Month began with an opening ceremony in the Peace Garden at Toronto City Hall on May 4th. Four days after the opening ceremony, a concert for democracy in China, performed by ten top singers from Hong Kong, Taiwan and Canada, was held on May 9th at Maple Leaf Gardens. The concert was sponsored by Sing Tao Newspapers, Am-Can Sino Broadcasting Toronto Ltd., Channel Forty Seven Cable Four Television and Essex Park Hotel. Twelve thousand fans and more than 300 volunteer workers joined the singers at Maple Leaf Gardens. The concert received wide media coverage and raised more than $60 thousand. The second climax of the month was the "Democracy in Motion" rally and march on Sunday, June 3rd. Over seven thousand people from all walks of life gathered at Nathan Philip Square in front of City Hall that afternoon. The crowd was singing "Elegance Stained With Blood" and "We Shall Overcome". One after another, speakers commemorated those who devoted their lives to democracy in China and called for solidarity to continue the struggle. Among them was Premier Bob Rae, then leader of the New Democratic Party in Ontario, representatives from Toronto women's organizations and members of the former independent Worker's Union in Beijing. Both the federal and the Ontario governments sent endorsements to the rally. Afterwards, people marched from Nathan Philips Square DEMOCRACY - next page 14 UPDATE Sky Lee Lee interweaves historical truths and fictional dramas to create the sense of a community rife with intrigue in which women must think up strategies to survive. Lee's contribution to Canadian literature and to the understanding of Canadian history is peppered with protest against the misogyny not just of Chinese culture but all cultures. She has written an historical novel that traces the lives of Chinese Canadian women in Chinatown. Lee's contribution fills a void in a country where very little has been written about either the Oriental women of B.C. or Canadian Chinatowns (see Margaret Conrad, "'Sundays Always Make Me Think of Home,' Time and Place in Canadian Women's History," in Rethinking Canada: The Promise of Women's History , Toronto, 1986). As the title suggests (the name of a restaurant in Saskatchewan was the inspiration for the title), Lee is also protesting the disappearance of a way of life which she believes is being obliterated by white Canadians. "One of the most compelling elements in this book, I find, is that it portrays Chinatown to be small town Canada, which is exactly what Chinatown is — in this case Chinatown Vancouver. But there have been many, many Chinatowns in many small centres all over B.C. at one point or another in history, in Cumberland, Nanaimo, Courtney, even Port Albemi," said Lee. "And I suppose because Chinese were such an unwanted element by white Canadian standards, the powers that be worked on getting rid of them as soon as they could." As a feminist and a Chinese Canadian who took part in protests against urban renewal (a phase in Vancouver's Chinatown history), Lee has a strong message for people settling in a country dominated by white Canadians of European origin who she believes are responsible for the disappearance of cultures all over the world. "It is very important for them to maintain their own sense of being and their own love of themselves," she said. But as a writer, Lee has another message for Canadians, and especially for scholars: "I'd like to warn them and say watch out for the passion, anger and intensity." Democracy Month from previous page to the consulate of the People's Republic of China. The seven thousand protestors stretched over a mile long and people constantly joined the march from the streets. The commemorative rally and march took more than three and a half hours. Like the concert for democracy in China, it was also reported by all major press in Canada. In addition to the two major activities, a number of art exhibitions and speeches were organized by the Toronto Association for Democracy in China and the Federation of Chinese Students and Scholars in Canada during Democracy Month 1990. On May 13, a children's drawing contest called "Democracy Through the Eyes of a Child" was organized at Nathan Philip Square. On May 19, an art exhibition, "Democracy in Perspective," was opened at the Ontario College of Art and later moved to the City Hall rotunda. Through their works, many well- respected artists, designers and art educators from Canada and the U.S. expressed their perspectives on democracy. Another exhibition tour, "1989," organized by the Edmonton Federation for Democracy had a show in Toronto during May 19 to 21. On May 13th, Mr. Liu Binyan, a famous investigative writer who was expelled by the Chinese Communist party in 1987, was invited by the Federation of Chinese Students & Scholars in Canada to give a speech at the University of Toronto. An enthusiastic audience of over 500 packed the Medical Sciences Auditorium to listen to Mr. Liu's speech. On May 20, again invited by the Federation of Chinese Students & Scholars in Canada, Mr. Wan Runnan, secretary of the Federation for a Democratic China based in Paris and the Chinese government's top fugitive, gave a speech at the University of Toronto. Mr. Wan's speech was considered one of the most informative and clear-minded analyses of the democratic movement in China. On both occasions, audience members donated funds for a Toronto based newspaper - Press Freedom Herald, Canadian Edition. Over $1 thousand was raised for the newspaper. The 1990 Democracy Month in Toronto was a remarkable success. The concert, the march, the arts and the speeches touched every participant's heart and will constantly remind people what happened at Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989. As Dick Chan, chairman of the Toronto Association for Democracy in China, put it: "As long as we do not forget, the children of China will soon see a new country where they will be able to determine their own destiny democratically and where human rights are truly valued." Expo Site from page 13 \ clean up toxic waste on the land and in the water. While the bidding process seemed to favor Li's company, things after the sale were not so smooth. The company originally planned to have construction under way by December 1989. But, the rezoning proposal was not passed until June 1990. Public hearings were held and proposals were changed again and again. One factor in the delay was the deletion of islands and lagoons from the plan - the city planning department was concerned about public accessibility to the False Creek waterfront The cost of the delay was substantial, up to $25 million, according to a former BCEC official. However, the land itself gained value during the 1989/90 real estate boom. In April, it was estimated to be worth between $310 million and $1 billion. On June 14, Vancouver City council approved a CD-I rezoning application for developing the land, a site-specific bylaw tailor-made to the intended form of development. Under the agreement, the developers will provide a maximum of 720 dwellings in buildings no taller than 285 feet. They must also supply 25 percent family housing over the entire site, and 144 units of social housing. After the plan passed, Concord Pacific acted quickly. On July 9, 802 days after sale, the company declared an official start of its development. The first phase included a ten-acre public park between Quebec, Keefer Streets and Pacific Boulevard. The Vice-President of Concord Pacific said that the project would cost about $2 billion and create more than 28 thousand jobs a year in Vancouver. UPDATE 15 What the Ads Say by Chow Ying Wong Toronto Since large numbers of people from Hong Kong decided to make Canada their home, a new market has opened up for services designed to make their lives easier. The advertisement of a product or service can be seen as an entrepreneur or service provider's attempt to cater to the needs of prospective customers. The attempt is, of course, based on a set of assumptions or perceptions on the part of the seller. Advertisements published in the Sing Tao Daily Newspaper between April and August 1990 reflect the perceived needs of this immigrant community. Out of an average of 88.4 pages published daily by Sing Tao during this period, 80 percent or 72.5 pages were filled with ads. About one third (34 percent) of these ads were related to the buying and selling of property, the majority of which being residential. Another 2.5 percent of the ads dealt with mortgage arrangements and options available, and another seven percent associated with home renovation services. More than seven percent of the advertisements were selling cars or offering different packages of driving lessons. Another seven percent offered attractive travelling packages. About three percent advertised for legal, accounting and other professional or para- professional services. Almost ten percent were related to ethnic food, eateries and entertainment. It should be noted that employment-related ads only accounted for 1.4 percent of the commercial coverage. On closer inspection, many of the advertisements published during this period, offer services designed specifically for newcomers from Hong Kong, particularly those who conform to the "typical" image of wealthy immigrants. For instance, one of the ads by a bank offered special relief to the wives of "astronauts", promising that arranging a mortgage will be easy despite the absence of the husband. Another reminds investors that they are legally bound to fulfil their immigration agreement and the company will guarantee them a safe return. Indeed, about 1 percent of the ads explicitly offer investment opportunities, not only to immigrants, but to prospective ones overseas. It is not unusual to find real estate ads which emphasize the proximity to local "prestigious" schools. Others offer to buy properties in Hong Kong from immigrants already landed in Canada. There are, of course, immigration consultants, traffic ticket/accident consultants and various kinds of para- professionals offering services to new immigrants. Other services include visits to ancestors' graves in Hong Kong, complete with a choice of religious ceremonies; sending flowers to Hong Kong on Mother's day; a call to advertise in a bilingual magazine which promised access to the "high income professionals in Hong Kong and Taiwan"; language classes and tutoring services for children (very popular in Hong Kong). For those seeking entertainment, there are tours to favorite casinos in Atlantic City and competitive rates to Hong Kong including accommodation packages. A recently popular pastime in Hong Kong called karaoke and other high- tech features such as laser discs are advertised. The entrepreneurs behind these ads have isolated people from Hong Kong into a market, or group, with special needs and desires. These ads capitalize on the assumption that new immigrants from Hong Kong maintain close ties to the country of origin, and that they are in search of a sense of continuation, both culturally and socially. Members of a family may be landed, but still have elderly parents and other extended relatives remaining in Hong Kong; the husband may need to travel regularly to Hong Kong where part of the business continues to operate; alternatively, the entire extended family has emigrated, leaving no one to pay respect to the ancestors. ..the services suggested in the ads are trying to provide such linkages. But if people from Hong Kong and entrepreneurs could get together and talk about real needs and real people, I wonder what they'd say? Workshop from page 12 V The first afternoon session on Settlement Issues, chaired by Professor Graham Johnson of the University of British Columbia, looked at patterns of settlement. Professor Johnson said that Canada must be looked at as a composite of regions with different responses to the settlement of people from Hong Kong. Issues differ across the country and must be approached differently by researchers, he said. Discussion centred on how to carry out quantitative research on the ethnic makeup of the Canadian population considering the difficulties of gathering accurate statistics. Professor Lary said the project would like to encourage graduate students to consider Hong Kong issues and to coordinate with other individuals, institutions or projects undertaking complementary research. During the final session of the day, chaired by Professor B. Michael Frolic of York University, issues such as where Hong Kong fits into the international scene and how changing regional, economic and financial patterns will affect Canada-Hong Kong relations as 1997 approaches, were raised and discussed. Professor Lary said that it is important for people in the academic community to tackle international issues relating to Hong Kong's future because of the "policy relevance" of this work. One sad piece of news - Stephanie Gould, who played a major role in designing and setting up the project, has moved to Winnipeg, and so has had to leave the project. We thank her for all her excllent work, and look forward to contributions from her for future updates, fanet Rubinoff will be joining the project in Stephanie's place. Piflna Lory Hong Kong Conference Report Professors Donald McMillen and Daniel Kwan Yat-kau were the principal organizers of a major three-day conference on "China and Hong Kong at a Crossroads: Prospects for the 21st century." Held at Hong Kong Baptist College, September 3-5, 1990, it gathered more than 150 participants from H.K., Macau, the PRC, Taiwan, Japan, the U.S., Australia, the U.K. and Canada. Paul Evans of York University represented the Canada and Hong Kong Project. In his keynote address. Professor Wang Gungwu, Vice -Chancellor, Hong Kong University, outlined promising lines of new research by a generation of young scholars in U.K., but also offered a somber assessment of the prospects of independent scholarly research and activity after 1997. More than half of the fifty papers were delivered by H.K. based social scientists, several of whom are collaborating on a long-term project on "Hong Kong and Politics in Transition." One focus of the project is a detailed examination of political attitudes and participation. The researchers emphasized their interest in cooperative research with Canadian scholars in examining the attitudinal and behavioural changes that occur after H.K. residents emigrate overseas. 5 CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE ■i^i^i^iM Number 3 WINTKR 1991 Excerpts From the Hon. Barbara McDougall's Address Canadian Chamber of Commerce, Hong Kong, September 5, 1990 "Hong Kong has always seemed a bit of an enigma to me. It's just a tiny patch of land on the edge of China, with few if any natural resources. Yet it has become a manufacturing giant and a household name throughout the Western hemisphere. It is one of the most modern urbanized centres in the world and a major international commercial centre. It's little wonder that Hong Kong holds a special grip on the world's imagination, it is a symbol of entrepreneurial drive. And it is a gateway - not just to the "mysteries of the Orient," but to the fastest growing market in world trade today. It's also little wonder that the largest foreign branch of Canada's largest business organization - the Canadian Chamber of Commerce - is right here in Hong Kong. Or that the Hong Kong Canada Business Association, with 1 1 chapters and more than 3,000 members, is the largest bilateral group of its kind in our country. Organizations like these attest to the growing ties between Canada and Hong Kong. These lies are based, in part, on our shared economic interests. Over the last ten years, the Asia-Pacific region has become Canada's largest single trading area outside of the United States. But behind these ties are strong human ties between Canada and Hong Kong, stretching back well over a century. Canada's commitment to Hong Kong remains firm whether expressed in the movement of people or through bilateral agreements with your government. The movement of people between our countries is growing steadily. Over the past three years, more than 65,000 Hong Kong citizens have decided to make a new home in Canada. Moving the other way, well over 30,000 Canadians now live and work in Hong Kong and about 150,000 Canadians visit Hong Kong each year. We have about 15,000 Hong Kong students studying in our schools - more than a quarter of our total foreign student population. Already more than 70,000 university graduates in Hong Kong graduated from Canadian universities. This movement of people is, without question, a good thing for both Canada and Hong Kong. It brings with it a movement of ideas, an enrichment of our cultures, and new opportunities for economic exchange and development. And it forms a human bond that will endure and prosper well beyond the year 1997. A large proportion of Hong Kong immigrants to Canada enter as part of the family stream of our programs. I've already mentioned the growing numbers of Hong Kong people who decide to come to Canada. Many of those have left close family behind. As far as possible, we want to help those families come together again in Canada. Hong Kong entrepreneurs and investors are putting their faith in Canada and investing heavily in Canadian business and industry. By doing so, they McDougall's Address cont'd, page 2 Two Chinese-Canadian Development Projects in Richmond, B.C by Hugh Xiaobing Tan Vancouver Two significant development projects, financed by the Chinese Canadian community in Vancouver, are the International Buddhist temple and the new Aberdeen Mall. Both are located in Richmond, a suburb south of Vancouver where many new immigrants from Hong Kong, as well as Taiwan, have recently per F1029.5 H6 C36 settled. Since it is estimated that one out of every three or four people living in the area are now of Chinese origin, Richmond was a logical place for this development. Located on Steveston Highway, the B.C. Development cont'd, page 14 McDoilgall's Address, from page 1 are contributing directly to our economic growth, and they are creating jobs in areas where jobs are needed, as was intended. During consultations on immigration levels over the past year, I found support for the Business Immigration program in all parts of Canada. Concerns were expressed though about the need to encourage these immigrants to consider other destinations in Canada besides the traditional ones of Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver. In addition, Canadians want to see the intended benefits of this program realized. They do not want to see people simply using the program as a short-cut to obtain a Canadian passport. As with anything new, there were some problems to be ironed out. But we have recently taken steps to improve the management and effectiveness of the program. We must protect the integrity of the program by eliminating suspect investment plans and by discouraging unscrupulous operators. As you may know, new regulations for the investor category were made public in August. These new regulations are not designed to discourage the legitimate investor immigrant - here in Hong Kong or anywhere else - from coming to Canada. Rather, they are intended to make it very clear to all business immigrants that we expect from them a certain level of commitment to Canada. The business program will continue, although not as a dominant element of our immigration program. We welcome the legitimate business immigrant and acknowledge that most are prepared to invest for the benefit of their chosen country and to participate fully in all aspects of Canadian life. In a general sense, that is true for all immigrants to Canada, whatever category they may fall under. A basic requirement for all immigrants is that they share a commitment to Canada and to Canada's future. That is why we cannot and will not allow our immigration programs to be used simply as a kind of 'insurance policy.' There has been speculation in the media recently that we are cutting back on immigration, specifically from Hong Kong. I cannot stress too strongly that this speculation is false. Because the number of immigrants coming to Canada has been much higher than expected this year, we have been forced to temporarily slow down visa issuance. But this temporary slow down is not a cut back, and it is definitely not aimed at Hong Kong. It applies universally to all countries, and it is intended to give our service and support agencies time to adjust to the increased demands. We have taken, and we will continue to take, whatever steps are necessary to ensure that the flow of people into Canada is managed properly. In the case of Hong Kong, we are working to ensure that the thousands and thousands of immigrant and temporary visa applications are handled as effectively as possible. Despite significant resource restraints, we have been able to put extra resources into our Hong Kong office as part of our commitment to better management of the immigration program. We have strong and growing interests in Hong Kong and its people - trade, education and most importantly, the people to people relationship. The principles underlying our immigration policy towards Hong Kong are stability and continuity. The ties of family, which strengthen daily, are the bedrock of our approach to Hong Kong and its people. The most hopeful prospect for Hong Kong's future lies in increased opportunities for Hong Kong citizens to manage their own affairs. We encourage the rapid development of democratic institutions and processes within the territory. We care about what happens in Hong Kong, and we have spoken out on various occasions. As Prime Minister Mulroney said last fall in Singapore, just before the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meetings, 'Hong Kong involves us all, as we have to accept part of the responsibility and provide some leadership.' We strongly support and will continue to work for Hong Kong's participation in the emerging web of regional institutions, including the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation and the Pacific Economic Conference. We are working to set in place a wide network of bilateral agreements between Hong Kong and Canada. The purpose of this network will help to ensure that the special relationships between Hong Kong and Canada will remain in place after 1997. We have already begun work on agreements involving film co-production, mutual legal assistance and an exchange program involving our two governments. Canada's commitment to Hong Kong remains firm. We are determined to see Hong Kong prosper. Together, we will work towards this goal." Visits to and from Hong Kong by Diana Lary Toronto Hon. Barbara McDougall, Minister of Employment and Immigration, visited Hong Kong from September 1st to 6th to familiarize herself with the emigration situation there, and to talk about Canada's immigration program. (See Excerpts) Her comments were positive, but she made it clear that there would be no special concessions from Canada on delayed visas for Hong Kong emigrants to Canada. Martin Lee, Hong Kong legislative councillor, visited Canada from October 25th to November 3rd. The theme of his visit was the promotion of confidence in Hong Kong's future through the strengthening of democratic institutions and the protection of human rights. In Toronto he was given a luncheon by the Hong Kong-Canada Business Association and had discussions with faculty Visits cont'd, page 3 2 UPDATE - CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Editors Diana Lary Janet A. Rubinoff Illustration & IMS Creative Design Communications Contributors Francis Allard Philip Calvert Ho-yin Cheung Harriet Clompus Susan Henders Keung-sing Ho Mark Rowswell Hugh Xiaobing Tan Canada and Hong Kong Update is published three times a year by the Canada and Hong Kong Project, Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, Suite 200K, Administrative Studies Bldg. York University, 4700 Keele St.. North York, Ontario, CANADA M3J 1P3 Telephone: Fax: (416) 736-5784 (416)736-5687 Opinions expressed in this newsjoumal are those of the author alone. CANADA AND HONG KONG PROJECT Director Diana Lary Coordinator Janet A. Rubinoff Advisory Board David Bond Denise Chong Maurice Copithome Dr. Bernie Frolic John Higginbotham Graeme McDonald Dr. T.G. McGee Jules Nadeau Dr. William Saywell Dr. Wang Gungwu We want to thank the Dormer Canadian Foundation for its very generous support which has made this project possible. The Foundation's long-standing interest in Canada's international relations with Asia has enabled us to conduct research which we consider to be of great significance for the future of the country. In This Issue... McDougall Address 1 Richmond Development Projects 1 Immigration to Quebec 3 Airport Development Scheme 5 Immigration Statistics 6 Destinations 7 Media in Hong Kong 8 UK Nationality Package 10 Statistical Imponderables 12 British Ministers 13 Visits, from page 2 members of the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies. In Ottawa he met Justice Strayer, who was involved in the drafting of Hong Kong's bill of rights, was hosted for lunch by the Department of External Affairs, met a number of DEA officials, including Raymond Chretien, Acting Undersecretary of State, and had dinner with the Hong Kong Students' Association. He also met officials from the Justice Department, and spoke to the Canadian Institute for International Peace and Security about the future of Hong Kong. He held talks with a group of members of parliament led by John Bosley, chairman of the Standing Committee on External affairs. In Vancouver he met the deputy mayor, members of the Hong Kong- Canada Business Association, visited the Asia Pacific Foundation, and talked to Chinese students, writers and scholars. In Victoria he met Lieutenant Governor David Lam and had discussions with provincial officials. Throughout his visit he was interviewed by national and local media. Sir David Ford, Chief Secretary of the Hong Kong Government, was in Vancouver and Victoria from November 14th to 16th to promote Hong Kong. His remarks were generally hopeful and reassuring about the future of Hong Kong. Hon. Pierre Cadieux, the Solicitor General, made a brief visit to Hong Kong in November, and signed an agreement with the Hong Kong Government calling for increased cooperation in combatting drug smuggling. Premier Joe Ghiz of Prince Edward Island visited Hong Kong in November to open a PEI office there. An officer for Newfoundland has been attached to the Commission. Eight out of the ten provinces now have representation in Hong Kong, and the other two (New Brunswick and Nova Scotia) are represented by the office of the Council of Maritime Premiers. This is a higher level of representation than any other city in the world. Hong Kong et la Politique d'Immigration du Quebec par Francis Allard Toronto Jusqu'a l'an demier, e'est a Hong Kong que Ton trouvail lc plus important bureau d'immigration du Qudbec a l'dtrangcr, un poste desund a sollicitcr ct a attirer les capitaux. Bien que maintenant reldgues au second rang par ceux de Paris, les services d'immigration du gouvernement quebecois a Hong Kong continuent a jouer un role preponderant. En 1989, 48% des 2 851 dossiers approuvds pour l'obtention des Certificats de selection du Qudbcc (CSQ) dans le «territoire» de Hong Kong (comprenant la Coree et Taiwan mais dont le volume est moindre par rapport a Hong Kong proprement dit) dtaient des dossiers de «gens d'affaires», e'est-a-dire des investisseurs et des entrepreneurs. Ces donnees contrastent avec celles de l'ensemble des autres postes du Quebec a l'etranger, ou seulement 12% des «dossiers approuv6s» entrent dans cette categoric Guide par une politique d'immigration visant en partie a ralentir le decroissement demographique auquel il fait presentement face, le Quebec explique que son intention est d'etablir des services d'immigration la ou l'interet se fait sentir. La presence a Hong Kong demeure toutefois essentiellement economique. Dans un communique^ de presse recent intitule' immigrants gens d'affaires a Hong Kong, Quebec maintient ses objectifs», la ministre des CommunauuSs culturelles et de l'lmmigration du Quebec, Mme Monique Gagnon-Tremblay, disaiu «Je crois qu'en augmentant de facon significative le personnel et les ressourccs du Service d'immigration a Hong Kong au cours des demieres annees, le Quebec a eu 1 'occasion de dehiontrer a quel point ces candidats nous int6ressenL» Toute evaluation des tendances futures a propos de l'lmmigration des gens de Hong Kong vers le Qudbec doit toutefois tenir compte non seulement des facteurs economiqucs prevalants, mais aussi des courants culturels et linguistiques exislant au sein de la societe quebecoise. Le probleme demographique auquel fait face le Quebec depuis deja plusieurs annees est le resultat d'un taux de Quebec cont'd, page 4 UPDATE 3 Quebec, from page 3 naissance faible, d'une population vieillissante, et aussi d'une immigration qui ne reflete pas son poids demographique a l'interieur du Canada (26%). Par exemple, en 1989, le Qudbec ne recevaitque 17,7% de tous les immigrants arrivant au pays. Visant a corriger cette disproportion, la nouvelle entente entre le gouvernement federal et le Quebec garantit a ce dernier un minimum de 25 a 30% des nouveaux immigrants. Une telle augmentation est salutaire sur le plan demographique. On doit toutefois tenir compte du contexte economique et d'une population quebecoise de plus en plus irritde par l'inhabilete de plusieurs nouveaux immigrants a s'intdgrer a la majorite francophone. En 1989, malgrd un objectif fixd a 40% d'immigrants francophones, seulement 28,4% des nouveaux venus parlaient francais, tandis que 34,1% parlaient l'anglais et que 49,6% ne parlaient ni l'un ni l'autre. A cause des problemes engendres par plusieurs de ces derniers, il n'est pas surprenant que le Quebec, desirant affirmer avec plus d'emphase que jamais son identitd culturelle, s'engage maintenant a attirer une plus grande proportion d'immigrants francophones de pays comme la France et la Belgique. Bien qu'il soit difficile de prdvoir les rdsultats, il semble bien que la grille de selection uulisde par le Qu6bec dans son choix d'immigrants dits «inddpendants» puisse l'aider a atteindre ses objectifs. Certains predisent que cette grille, dans laquelle sont presentement alloues des points pour la «langue» et r«adaptabilitd», sera bientot modifiee dans le but de donner au processus de selection une flexibility encore plus grande. Comment situer l'immigrant de Hong Kong dans ce contexte? En premier lieu, il va sans dire que les considdrations dconomiques jouent encore un role important Au cours de sa conference de presse a Hong Kong, en aout dernier, Mme Monique Gagnon-Tremblay declarait «Je puis vous assurer, qu'en 1990, nous sclectionnerons au moins le meme nombre d'immigrants gens d'affaires que par les anndes prdcddentes.(...) J'ai aussi precisd que nos objectifs de selection pour 1990 sont les memes qu'en 1989.» Par ailleurs, la decision recente du gouvernement fdddral de permettre au Qudbec de maintenir le montant d'investissement minimum a $250 000 (par opposition aux $350 000 requis pour certaines autres provinces) a ete bien recue par les fonctionnaires de 1'immigration de la Delegation du Quebec a Hong Kong: on se dit confiant que le Quebec pourra ainsi demeurer une destination attrayante pour les investisseurs de Hong Kong. Pierre Saint-Louis, avocat specialise en immigration et domicilid a Hong Kong depuis quelques annees, observe le phenomene d'une diminution marquee dans la «qualite economique* des Hongkongais interesses a investir au Quebec. L'avocat montrdalais ajoute que le Quebec est maintenant plus selectif dans le choix des investisseurs et des entrepreneurs. Jusqu'a maintenant, la perception de plusieurs de ces «gens d'affaires* a Hong Kong etait que les chances d'obtenir un visa pour le Canada dtaient meilleures si Ton s'adressait a la delegation du Quebec plutot qu'au Commissariat du Canada. Le fait que le Quebec devienne plus vigilant envers ces «gens d'affaires* est surement lid au fait qu'un bon nombre d'entre eux (pres des deux tiers, selon certains), n'y sejournent qu'une breve pdriode de temps avant d'aller s'installer a Toronto ou a Vancouver ou existent d'importantes communautds chinoises. Bien que ces investisseurs doivent ddposer $250 000 chez un courtier reconnu au Qudbec, aucune loi ne les empeche d'aller vivre ailleurs au pays. Plutot que de servir de simple porte d'entree au reste du pays, le Quebec aimerait mieux profiter pleinement du dynamisme des hommes d'affaires du Manhattan de l'Asie. Personne ne doute du fait que les immigrants de Hong Kong sont en grande majoritd de vaillants travailleurs; ils n'abusent que rarement des services sociaux offerts aux Canadiens. Ils sont toutefois moins portds a s'intdgrer a la culture quebecoise francophone que les autres minorites. Jean Larue, chef de la section Asie du ministere de l'lmmigration a Montreal, souligne que le Quebec, tout en visant maintenant a sdlectionner des candidats susceptibles de mieux s'intdgrer, entreprend dgalement de pourvoir aux besoins des nouveaux immigrants afin de les convaincre qu'ils sont les bienvenus au Qudbec et qu'ils pourront y prospdrer. A ce sujet, l'entente recente entre Ottawa et le Qudbec en matiere d' immigration comprend justement le transfert a cette province de tous les programmes fdddraux d'intdgration linguistique, culturelle et economique. II faut aussi signaler qu'a Hong Kong meme, un nombre grandissant de personnes suivent des cours a l'Alliance Francaise dans le but evident d'amdliorer leurs chances d'etre admis au Quebec. De plus, dans ces memes dcoles, le Qudbec a lui-meme mis sur pied un programme de Iangue destine a faire connaitre des elements de la culture quebecoise a ceux qui ddtiennent ddja un CSQ. Bien que positives et encourageantes, ces demarches ne peuvent quand meme pas garantir de facon absolue que le nouvel arrivant de Hong Kong voudra bien s'dtablir de fa?on permanente dans la province francophone et assimiler sa culture. En 1989, plus de 20% de tous les CSQ dtaient dmis a Hong Kong. Dans un avenir rapproche, il est probable que le gouvernement du Qudbec s'intdressera moins a ces moins a ces immigrants. Cette annde, on ne prevoit qu'une ldgere diminution du nombre de CSQ dmis a Hong Kong (par rapport a plus de 8 000 en 1990), mais il faut souligner qu'il y aura en fait une augmentation du nombre total d'immigrants que le Qudbec s'attend arecevoiren 1991. En vue du regain d'interet du Quebec pour une immigration provenant des pays francophones de 1' Europe, du mecontentement de plus en plus grand des Quebecois, et du refus d'une bonne partie des Hongkongais de s'dtablir de facon permanente au Qudbec, on peut prevoir que leur pouvoir d'investissement dans la province demeurera leur principal atout. Au cours des prochaines annees, non seulement peut-on s'attendre a une diminution de la «qualite dconomique» de ceux qui n'ont pas encore rdussi a quitter Hong Kong de facon definitive, mais il faudra dgalement considdrer les problemes soulevds par les demandes de rdunion de famille (faites par les Hongkongais qui resident ddja au Qudbec). Pour des raisons humanitaires, la majorite de ces requetes sont acceptdes. Les beneficiaires de ce programme auront tendance a demeurer avec leurs proches au Qudbec, c'est certain, mais il s'agit toutefois d'un groupe plus agd qui a plus de difficultd a se trouver des emplois. 4 UPDATE Notre analyse nous porte done a predirc non seulemcnt unc rdduction dans ce mouvement migratoire vers le Quebec, mais egalement un changement dans le type d'immigranis admis dans cette province. On peut s'allcndre a une diminution du nombre de «gens d'affaires» et a une augmentation dans le nombre de «parents aidds.» Quoi qu'il en soit, une fois vidd de ses riches citoyens. Hong Kong deviendra certainement, dans les annees a venir, une source moins attrayante d'immigranis. Je remercie Jules Nadeau pour son aide dans la redaction de eel article. Hong Kong's Port and Airport Development Scheme by Philip Calvert Ottawa Hong Kong is embarking on an ambitious and expensive project involving the construction of a new airport and container shipping complex on Lantau island. A massive undertaking, which will involve extensive land reclamation on Lantau as well as construction of a fixed crossing, the US S16.3 billion project has become a subject of public disagreement between the governments of Hong Kong and Beijing. This has cast something of a cloud over the financing of the project. In addiuon to the economic aspects of PADS (Port and Airport Development Scheme), the project has a great deal of political symbolism. Undertaking a project of this magnitude in the shadow of China's takeover of the colony in 1997 is in part an attempt to express optimism for the future of Hong Kong as a Special Administrative Region of China. Thus, the disagreement between Hong Kong and Beijing over the project has strong political overtones and reflects the complex dimension which 1997 adds to economic and policy decisions taken in the 1990's. Scheduled for completion in 1997, PADS is to be funded from a combination of surplus reserves in Hong Kong and private sector financing from international banks. In public statements, Hong Kong originally maintained that the project is a local economic matter. However, it softened this position when several representatives of the Beijing government (including Zhou Nan, head of the New China News Agency's Hong Kong office and the highest-ranking Chinese official in Hong Kong) protested that the project would be a liability for China as the financial implications of the project extended well beyond 1997 and urged that it be delayed. Further, they argued Hong Kong had not been keeping Beijing informed on the project. Before issuing any statement approving the project, they wanted to see a detailed financial and engineering analysis. Tensions between the two governments were also heightened when Hong Kong announced invitations for bids on the fixed crossing component of the project. The situation became even more complicated when Gordon Wu of Hopewell Holdings, who had been involved in initial planning of the project since 1986, publicly criticized this move, saying that the fixed project component could be replaced by less expensive alternative links. He fiuther criticized the Hong Kong government for not consulting as widely as it might have on the project. Hong Kong's position was also undermined by Lord Caithness, the newly appointed British Minister responsible for Hong Kong, who stated in early October that the project would be a "liability" for China after 1997 and that they ought to be consulted more on the project. Later the same month, perhaps in response to this pressure, experts from both governments met for eleven days in Hong Kong to review the project. The atmosphere, from all reports, was more cordial than might have been expected in light of the acrimonious statements leading up to it. However, after the meetings the Chinese side let it be known that while they were still considering the project, they remained "unconvinced" of the feasibility of the scheme. For about six weeks, it seemed that confidence in the project was building again until Lu Ping, the new director of Beijing's Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office, publicly stated that Hong Kong's pursuit of the project risked the financial stability of the colony and its currency. He demanded that Beijing be given a say in the membership of the body overseeing the project. Despite the strength of this public stand, officials involved in the process have indicated that Beijing privately recognizes the need for the project and that their public criticisms reflect a genuine desire to be more frequently and thoroughly consulted on its development. Earlier in the autumn, Hong Kong Governor Sir David Wilson had stated he felt that Beijing was warming to the project. Lu Ping's predecessor, Ji Pengfei, told a visiting Hong Kong delegation in September that Beijing had agreed to the project "in principle". One Hong Kong- based senior official in the New China News Agency apparently confirmed that the project would go ahead "eventually" because China has "no choice" - a statement echoed by officials in Beijing. China's Guangdong province, in a separate move, has already expressed its approval, reportedly in exchange for guaranteed labour and raw materials contracts. There is no doubt that a new airport is needed in Hong Kong. The main issue seems to be Beijing's desire to have more of a say in the project for reasons of economics, politics and international prestige. Nevertheless, interested parties should not be complacent; controversy between the two governments and delays in Beijing's expression of approval of the project may delay financing from the private sector and, thus, drag out the implementation of the new airport and port scheme. Nor should Chinese domestic politics be ignored. The outcome of the current power struggle at the upper levels of the Chinese government may have an impact on its stance on the project as well. One thing is certain. When the project goes ahead, international competition for a piece of the action is going be intense. Attracted by the opportunities they see in PADS, a number of Canadian companies are actively marketing their capabilities in engineering, aerospace and financial management and have travelled to Hong Kong in January to participate in Airport discussions on the scheme. Canadian governments, at the federal and (in one case) the provincial level, are actively involved in mobilizing Canadian resources, an indication that the project is being taken as a serious and potentially lucrative opportunity. No one will feel really secure though until Hong Kong and Beijing come to some kind of agreement on the issue. UPDATE 5 Immigration to Canada, 1990 by Diana Lary Toronto During 1990, interest in Hong Kong in migrating to Canada remained strong. As applications continue at high levels, a major concern in Hong Kong will be the back-log. The average processing time, the period between making a formal application, including medicals, and the final disposition of a case, was 288 days in 1988. By 1989 it had risen to 384 days, and by 1990 to 461 days. The future processing time will depend on the number of applications. Immigrant applications screened, by class, Hong Kong - 1990* Family 14528 Conv. refugee Designated 124 Retired 3416 Assisted relative 5358 Entrepreneur 16908 Investor 6709 Self-employed 768 Independent 5955 Not stated 16 Total 53782 * all figures given here and in subsequent charts refer only to the first eleven months of 1990. Figures for applications should not be closely linked to the number of visas issued, many of which will be the result of applications made in 1989 or earlier. Visas issued, by class, CLPR Hong Kong - 1990 Family Conv. refugee Designated Retired Assisted relative Entrepreneurs 2703 p 5407 t P t 282 p 691 t 524 p 1801 t 880 p 2529 t 1078 p 4382 t Investors Self-employed Independent Not stated Total 687 p 2944 t 73 p 224 t 2610 p 7079 t 71 p 205 t 8905 p 25262 t p = principal applicant; t = principal applicant plus dependents. The number of visas issued in 1990 did not increase much over the previous year - from 24,132 in 1989 to 25,262 in 1990 - but shifts in the composition of the movement continued, in the same general direction as in 1989. The family class (family and assisted relatives) made up 3 1 .42% of the total (7936 people), a substantial increase over the 22.9% in 1989. The independent class, at 28% (7079), continued to decline, from 54.5% in 1988 and41.4% in 1989. The business class (entrepreneurs, investors and self- employed) meanwhile was still increasing; in 1990 these categories accounted for 29.88% of the total (7550), up from 22.9% in 1989, and 13.7% in 1988. The main increase was in the investor category, which went from 699 in 1988, to 1,132 in 1989 to 2,944 in 1990. The entrepreneur category has been stable over the past three years, as has the self-employed category. The decline in the independent class may be caused in part by the fact that family and business classes have priority in processing. We should not assume that the decline in the independent class means that the calibre of immigrants is declining, as measured by the point system for independent immigrants. Some people who could qualify in the independent class still apply in the family or business class in the hope of speedier processing. Another noticeable shift is in the number of dependents per principal immigrant. In 1989 the ratio was 2.2:1, in 1990, 2.3: 1 . The ratio varied considerably by class, ranging from a low of 1 : 1 for family class, to 1.7:1 for independent immigrants, to 3.28:1 for investors. Landings in Canada, CLPR Hong Kong - 1990 First quarter 4089 Second quarter 7753 Third quarter 12124 Fourth quarter 3177 Total 27143 The total number of landings in Canada in 1990 was up from 19,994 in 1989 and 23,286 in 1989. The 1990 figure could include people who were visaed up to a year before the date they actually arrived in Canada, so may include many people who were visaed in 1989. The figure may be still higher, because the figures we have so far cover only until the end of November. Many people moved in the third quarter; one possible explanation is that some of these people were families who planned to arrive in Canada for the start of the school year. Landings, CLPR Hong Kong, by province, 1990 Alberta 2335 B.C. 6965 Manitoba 323 New Brunswick 39 Newfoundland 17 NWT 17 Nova Scotia 91 Ontario 15205 PEI 12 Quebec 1825 Saskatchewan 313 Yukon 1 Total 27143 In terms of the declared destinations of immigrants within Canada, Ontario is still by far the most popular destination; in 1990 the percentage was 56%, up slighUy from 53.98% in 1989. British Columbia is still in second place, at 25.66%, slighdy up from 23.82% in 1989. Alberta is fourth, at 8.60%, and Quebec fifth at 6.72% We would like to thank the Strategic Planning and Research Branch, Employment and Immigration Canada, for supplying us with these statistics. 6 UPDATE Destinations In the continuing emigration from Hong Kong, changes in immigration policies for receiving countries get close attention in the territory. These are some of the changes noted over the past six months. Changes in US Policy On October 28th the US Congress passed a new immigration bill which will have important effects for Hong Kong. Amongst many provisions, most of which are global, the bill increases the number of Hong Kong residents who can emigrate to the States from the present 5,000 p.a. to 10,000, until 1994, and thereafter to 27,000. Part of the increase will be taken up by people already in the States who have not yet reached their turn on the previous quotas. Special provisions are to be made for employees of the US Consulate, American companies trading in Hong Kong, and employees of the Foreign Broadcast Information Service. Some of those granted visas in the future will have the option of entering the States at any time up to 2001. This provision is designed to encourage people, especially those employed by US companies, to stay in Hong Kong as long as possible. Dominican Republic The Dominican Republic is one of a number of Caribbean countries which are encouraging the immigration of Hong Kong residents. For an investment of USS50,000 and a six month stay in the country, landed immigrant status may be acquired which, after two years, may be transformed into citizenship. Tonga Investors may acquire a "protected person passport," which gives them a certificate of nationality but not citizenship. Until June, 1990, such passports could only be acquired on payment of a lump sum; payments can now be made on an instalment basis spread over three years. The total sum involved is USS1 1 ,868 for an individual or 522,550 for a family. Protected persons are not required to move to Tonga but are encouraged to visit. Hungary One new potential destination, still only at the general proposal level, is Budapest. The mayor of Budapest is said to have come up with a proposal to establish a Hong Kong enclave on an island in the Danube. Immigration Policy Canada's global ceiling for immigration, which was 180,000 for 1990, is to be raised to 220,000 for 1991 and 250,000 for the next four years. Although the global figure makes no specific reference to Hong Kong, unlike the new US immigration policy (see DESTINATIONS), the higher figure can only be helpful to people wanting to move here from Hong Kong. There will not, however, be any special programmes for Hong Kong, such as delayed visas or an expansion of the family and/or assisted relative class. Potential Hong Kong immigrants may be affected by the raising of the minimum amount needed to qualify as an investor immigrant - now $250,000. The new levels were announced as Canada was officially entering a recession, but there has been little protest over their raising. Emigration Rate The Hong Kong government believes that the rate of emigration is easing. The number of people seeking US and Canadian visas is declining slightly. At the same time the number of people returning to Hong Kong may be higher than was previously estimated. Up to 30% of those who go abroad already have or will return after they have acquired foreign citizenship. Mrs. Regina Yip, Deputy Director of Administration, reported these estimates in December. She made it clear that these figures were "guesstimates," since there are no firm figures either for the total number of visa applicants or for returnees (Hong Kong Digest, December 19, 1990). THE EMIGRANT The emigration from Hong Kong has spawned an emigration industry. Much of its activity is reflected in the pages of The Emigrant, a glossy, highly professional magazine published monthly by Trade Media. It is directed at middle-class professionals in Hong Kong and Taiwan, and aims to provide information and analysis on emigration possibilities. The magazine is put together by an eight person team in Hong Kong with contributions from about thirty free-lancers abroad. It does not specifically encourage emigration. On its masthead is the statement: "This magazine neither advocates nor discourages emigration. Its purpose is to offer information so that people can make their own choice". In the two years since it started (the first issue appeared on the auspicious date of August 8th, 1988), its size has expanded from 102 pages (42 advertising) to 140 pages (74 advertising) for 1990. The largest section of the magazine is devoted to Destinations, which gives detailed descriptions of life and opportunities in countries which receive immigrants. At first the section concentrated on Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States, but after June, 1989, the range of countries covered was expanded to include previously less desirable destinations such as Tonga and Belize. These articles are very specific; in the November, 1990 issue, for example, the major article on Canada is about Markham, Ontario. The magazine always includes at least one article on an emigrant's experience abroad. The November issue looks at Andrea Eng, an outstandingly successful real estate agent in Vancouver. One section of the magazine is devoted to current emigration regulations from various countries; the occupational rating for independent immigrants to Canada, for example, is updated regularly. Though the magazine is bilingual, much of the advertising is in Chinese only. The advertisers range from emigration consultants, to schools and universities, to moving companies. Circulation Office: Dataford Ltd., Block A, 13/F, Vita Tower, 29 Wong Chuk Hang Road, Hong Kong UPDATE 7 Precarious Future of the Media in Hong Kong by Susan Menders Hong Kong Although Hong Kong faces no serious challenges to its role as Asia's press and publishing centre, it may now confront threats from within. Britain's legacy of colonial laws, China's intimidation campaign against local media, and self- censorship threaten what is regarded as an island of press freedom in the sea of intolerant regimes that govern much of East and Southeast Asia. "I don't necessarily think Beijing is going to send in the big guns in 1997," Cliff Bale, an executive committee member of the Hong Kong Journalists Association, said in an interview. "It's the subtle stuff that is really damaging - the intimidation and currying favour in media circles. China is already doing that." Barry Wain, editor of the Hong Kong- based Asian Wall Street Journal, says local media began accommodating Beijing's new role almost immediately after Britain and China signed the 1984 Joint Declaration, the agreement under which China will regain sovereignty over the colony in 1997. In response to banquets, gifts and other enticements offered by Beijing officials, relief that China would not retake the territory by force or just plain fear of reprisals, local editorialists became visibly less critical of the Beijing regime, Wain told a gathering of the Asia-Pacific Foreign Exchange Assembly in Hong Kong. Reporters have avoided topics that might upset the Chinese government. With China's carrot and stick tactics very much on their mind, many journalists fear that self-censorship is already eating away at the freedom and independence of the media. In a recent survey of local journalists, Joseph Man Chan, a lecturer in the Journalism and Communications Department at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, found that about half of the respondents said they thought other journalists were apprehensive when they wrote reports critical of the Chinese government About 20 per cent said they themselves were apprehensive about writing such stories. Reporters pick up cues about what is politically acceptable from their organizations's editorials and their bosses' behaviour, Chan said in an interview. "They know that the Chinese government remembers, that the Chinese government will punish them, if not now, then later." Self -censorship is a problem for media around the world, but conditions in Hong Kong could make local reporters particularly vulnerable to its influence. Lorraine Hahn, a Canadian journalist reporting for Hong Kong's privately owned TVB, says salaries are generally low, so reporters tend to be young and inexperienced. Management styles are hierarchical and reporters have little influence over editorial decisions. Hong Kong's media are no stranger to the pressures of Chinese politics. Over the past century, the colony has played host to dozens of partisan newspapers taking advantage of its liberal press climate to wage propaganda wars. Even today, both the Mainland-based Chinese Communist Party and its rival, the Taiwan-based Nationalist Party, continue to own, subsidize or maintain close links with local newspapers. According to Chin-Chuan Lee of the School of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of Minnesota, it was not until 1970 that Hong Kong newspapers moved beyond their preoccupation with Chinese politics - in particular, the Communist- Nationalist battle - to pay significant attention to local Hong Kong affairs. Today several market-oriented newspapers with "centrist" Hong Kong perspectives, but no binding partisan ties, dominate local circulation wars. A significant amount of space is still reserved for the discussion of Chinese politics which is of salient concern for Hong Kong citizens. At the same time Joseph Man Chan maintains that this highly charged political atmosphere has helped make Hong Kong one of the most competitive print media markets in the world. While two newspaper cities are a rarity in Canada, Hong Kong readers can chose from more than 60 newspapers, about 20 of which concentrate on news and opinion while the rest (known locally as the "mosquito" press) devote themselves to entertainment, gossip and horse racing tips. Dozens of magazines - including locally-headquartered international publications like the Asian Wall Street Journal, Asiaweek and the Far Eastern Economic Review - two television stations (each with English and Cantonese channels) and two radio networks (also with both English and Cantonese stations) compete for consumers in this city of almost six million inhabitants. New satellite television stations and a third radio network are in the planning stages. "We have a market place of ideas in Hong Kong and it is very competitive, stretching from the far right to the far left," Chan claims. "Hong Kong has always been a publication hotbed and now it is becoming a communications centre for Asia too." Chan also maintains that this competitiveness and diversity could inhibit the extent and speed of the Chinese government's ability to muzzle its media critics after 1997. As long as local media businesses are governed by market forces and there is consumer appetite for dissenting voices, some news organizations will take a critical editorial position if only to attract customers. The growing number of media companies listed on the stock exchange could be less vulnerable to political pressure because they have to answer to profit conscious shareholders, even if their proprietors succumb to Beijing's co-optive efforts. Foreign owned media organizations and those headquartered or with assets offshore could also be less susceptible to pressure. New television and radio channels will soon make the territory's electronic media market more competitive as well. "What all these add up to is growth in pluralism in our channels of media communication," Chan says, and "pluralism means it is more difficult to curtail press freedom." Paradoxically, however, this increasingly lively communications hub sits atop a foundation of less-than-liberal colonial laws and a non-democratic, if 8 UPDATE benign government. Hong Kong's British rulers have permitted a very significant degTec of media freedom, defined in terms of an absence of official censorship and of government persecution of media. Yet, a wide range of ordinances still give the government broad authority to do such things as ban or edit television programmes, prohibit the broadcast of false news, censor films deemed prejudicial to relations with China, obtain search warrants and prohibit public entertainment. These laws are seldom used. However, fearing they could prove formidable weapons against the media in the hands of a less liberal government after 1997, the Hong Kong Journalists Association and others have called for government action to repeal or amend them before the transfer of sovereignty. The government is currently reviewing its ordinances for compliance with the territory's proposed new bill of rights. "We have a sort of benevolent dictatorship here now, but these laws could be used to severely repress the press after 1997," maintains Cliff Bale, who covers the Hong Kong- Beijing affairs beat for the publicly- owned Radio Television Hong Kong. Both Bale and Chan point to the urgent need for access to information legislation to aid journalists' and other citizens' efforts to obtain information about government policies. 'The media can say what it wants about the government, but the closed nature of the colonial government system means they have trouble finding out enough information to be able to report effectively," Bale argues. Access to information legislation will be critical after 1997 because Hong Kong's government will not be fully accountable to citizens through direct elections. The Beijing government's actions since June 4th have done little to inspire confidence in media circles, according to Barry Wain. China has curbed Hong Kong journalists' access to reporting on Mainland affairs through visa restrictions, blacklisting individual journalists and publications and other controls. It fired the publisher, who had sided with the students during the democracy movement in 1989, of the locally-based but Mainland-controlled Wen Wei Po newspaper. Furthermore, China has openly attacked Hong Kong media for spreading rumours about Mainland politics and undermining confidence in the territory's future. "The local press has taken the full brunt of what is nothing less than a heavy-handed intimidation campaign," Wain maintains. "Peking has moved to regain control of its own propaganda apparatus in Hong Kong while employing every tactic from continuing seduction to punishment and even dirty tricks to convince journalists that there is only one way to report - and that is China's way." Finding a way to address China's legitimate concerns about the territory being used to subvert the Beijing government, without jeopardizing Hong Kong's freedoms and autonomy, will be difficult in practice. As Chan maintains, "China has a mentality of controlling everything. They think that when they can control Hong Kong, then 'one country, two systems' will work. But control is the very thing that will destroy Hong Kong." In the end, it could be a dollars and cents argument that proves most persuasive in convincing China and its conservative Hong Kong business allies to put up with the territory's liberal media traditions. Chan and Bale argue that a decline in press freedom would not only hamper the activities of film making, publishing, television production and other profitable industries in Hong Kong, it would hurt Hong Kong's position as a regional financial centre. William Overholt, a regional strategist with Bankers Trust Securities Research, concludes that the "Chinese government has moved so far toward a hard line thai it is raising legitimate doubts about whether freedom of press and opinion after 1997 will be adequate to sustain information-intensive businesses such as regional banking, stockbroking, and publishing, and also to sustain a large population of the kinds of sensitive, opinionated, highly educated individuals who are the principal resource of such businesses." At this point, no other city in the region has the combination of good facilities and press freedom that would allow it to replace Hong Kong's financial centre role, but this could change, Overholt warned the American Chamber of Commerce. "Depending on the attitude of Beijing, Hong Kong's long-term attractiveness in this area could weaken substantially at a time when one can imagine possible improvements in Singapore or Bangkok. This is a role Hong Kong can lose. China will certainly be tempted to curb 'slander' and 'rumours' about China, as Lee Kwan Yew currently does in Singapore." Reference: Chin-Chuan Lee and Joseph Man Chan, Mass Media and Political Transition: The Hong Kong Press in China's Orbit, will be published by Guilford Press, New York in April, 1991. Report from Britain by Harriet Clompus London In the past few months, there has been litde British press coverage of Hong Kong issues, partly because the Gulf crisis and the recent British leadership election have dominated the media. Another factor is that since passage of the British Nationality (H.K.) Bill, the Hong Kong question is largely seen by the Government as setded. One effect of the Gulf crisis has been the rapprochement between Beijing and the West - an objective, Britain has actively sought On September 29, 1990, the U.K. submitted a proposal at a meeting of the European Community's Asian Group of Political Directors to drop sanctions imposed on China after Tiananmen. Indicative of the growing relaxation of the prohibition on high level contacts, the British Foreign Minister, Douglas Hurd, met in October with his Chinese counterpart, Qian Qichen in New York. In early November, a statement was issued by the Chinese ambassador to Britain, Ji Chaozu, indicating that Hong Kong had nothing to fear from 1997. Several weeks later on November 19th, Tian Zengpei, the Chinese Deputy Foreign Minister, arrived in Britain for a Britain, cont'd page 11 UPDATE 9 Controversy Over UK Nationality Package and Residency Rules by Ho-yin Cheung and Keung-sing Ho Hong Kong While the UK Nationality Act refers only to the acceptance of 50,000 heads of household as emigrants from Hong Kong, the British Government originally estimated that a total of 225,000 passports would actually be issued under the nationality package. The total would include all the spouses and children of the primary emigrants. This figure of 225,000 was first mentioned by British Home Secretary, Douglas Hurd, when he announced the Right of Abode scheme in the House of Commons in December 1989. Although it has generally been accepted by the Hong Kong press, there is now growing evidence to doubt such a high estimate. In November 1990, Dr. Paul Kwong Chun-kuen of the Chinese University indicated that the actual figures would be closer to 158,000 and possibly even lower. To arrive at this revised figure, he used the 1986 census tabulations that list average household size, according to the occupation of head of household. The UK estimate of 225,000 suggests an average Hong Kong family size of 4.5 members, considerably higher than the actual 1986 census figure of 3.8 for those in a higher income bracket. As Dr. Kwong concluded, "It seems like they just picked that number out of the air. It's very easy just to talk in terms of 2.5 kids." Computer analysis of a 1987 Family Planning Association survey of 1,51 1 women of child-bearing age also indicated that those who were better educated tend to have fewer children, on the average 1.4. The overwhelming majority of these women were married to professional, well-educated men - to whom most of the 50,000 UK passports will be issued. Taking account of a percentage of bachelors and using the 1 .4 figure for children, Dr. Kwong estimated a more accurate figure of only 150,000 passports to be issued. Canadian and American consulate officials have confirmed that this lower estimate corresponds to their own figures on the average size of Hong Kong families emigrating to their countries. The Canadian Commission estimates 2.8 as the average nuclear family size while the US consulate uses a figure of 3. How the now disputed UK figure of 225,000 passports was arrived at remains unclear. A Home Office spokesman has conceded the final number might be less than the original estimate which was only intended to be a maximum figure. Furthermore, British government officials in both London and Hong Kong have confirmed that the 225,000 estimate was only meant to refer to those receiving passports in the run up to 1997, and does not include the distant future. The May 1990 amendment to the UK residency rules has also caused potential difficulties for those who hold Hong Kong British Dependency Territory (BDTC) passports. In order to retain their residency status in the UK, those who hold such passports must now convince immigration officers that they are seeking admission to Britain for the purpose of permanent settlement. Prior to the amendment, people who acquired indefinite leave to enter or stay in Britain were allowed to re-enter the UK as long as they had not been away for more than two years. Essentially the change in the law has meant that Hong Kong people who have residency rights in Britain cannot retain this status if they return to their careers in Hong Kong. In May and June of 1990, 570 people, who hold BDTC passports and are thereby entitled to residency status in the UK, entered Britain without difficulty. However last June, one Hong Kong resident failed to convince British immigration officers that he intended to settle there. As a result his residency right was removed. Last September, Hong Kong Executive and Legislative Councillors met with Lord Caithness, the British Foreign Minister with responsibility for Hong Kong, to discuss this problem and the stricter requirements for settlement in the UK. While Lord Caithness claimed the above was an exceptional incident, Lady Dunn recognized that there was a potentially serious problem as it was not possible to tell whether this was an isolated incident or a trend. Applications for British Citizenship The application procedures for people who may apply for British citizenship are now under way, and the process of selection will start soon. The application date is February 28, 1991. Applications are open to people ordinarily resident in Hong Kong who hold some form of British-connected passport or who as holders of certificates of identity, applied for naturalization before July 26, 1990. Applications are only open to a head of family, his or her spouse, and children under 1 8 at the time of application; there is no provision for parents or for other relatives. There are 36,200 places for the general occupational class, 13,000 for disciplined and sensitive services, and 500 for entrepreneurs. Eighty-seven per cent of places will be dispersed in the first phase and the rest at an unspecified later date. A point system rather like the Canadian one for independent immigrants will be used, with the following categories and maximum number of points: age (200), experience (150), education and training (150), special circumstances (150), proficiency in English (50), connections in the UK (50), public or community service (50), for a total of 800. In order to make sure that the citizenships are allocated fairly, 200 points will be deducted from an applicant who already holds another citizenship. The large number of points to be allocated under 'special circumstances' is to ensure that people most necessary to the running of Hong Kong will stay as long as possible. It covers people in occupations where there has been 'an exceptional propensity' to emigrate (75), people who have shown 'exceptional merit' (50), or people who have committed acts of bravery (25). This is not a process for the faint-hearted; the application form is 32 pages long. 10 UPDATE Hong Kong Coverage in Beijing by Mark Rowswell Beijing News about Hong Kong that appears in the mainland Chinese press tends to consist of short reports on how well the local economy and cooperation with the mainland are progressing. This regular trickle of good news was interrupted twice during the latter half of 1990, by reports on the Hongkong Bank's decision to move its domicile to Britain and Beijing's reaction to the Hong Kong airport project. Still, the reader is left to decipher what the real news is between the lines of Chinese press reports. Hong Kong's economic growth was reported to be modest but "healthy by world standards" in the wake of a global economic slow-down. Closer economic ties between Hong Kong and the mainland were credited with reducing the negative effects of a sluggish US economy on Hong Kong exports and aiding the development of the mainland's foreign trade. Hong Kong businessmen were reported to be increasing investment in the mainland now that the political and social situation had stabilized and the impact of the "June 4th incident" was "fading." Hong Kong investment has already recovered to pre- June 4th levels and accounts for 63% of the total value of overseas investment in China, according to a China Daily report Hong Kong and the mainland have been each other's largest trading partners since 1985, and the "we need each other" theme is often repeated in the Chinese press. Deputy Director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office, Chen Baoyin, predicted "brighter times ahead" for Hong Kong. Chen boasted that China's reforms and opening "had become one of the major factors which had brought about the rapid growth of the Hong Kong economy in the 1980's." With China providing the base for economic development, Hong Kong will become an even more important centre of finance, trade and communications in the future, Chen claimed. In a September interview, Jiang Zemin spoke highly of Hong Kong's role in China's development Hong Kong and the mainland "each complement the other for the sake of common prosperity." In August the State Council issued a set of regulations to encourage overseas, Hong Kong and Macao Chinese to invest in the mainland. These regulations give preferential treatment to export-oriented and technologically-advanced enterprises, allowing them to remit profits and Britain, from page 9 five day visit. He was a last minute replacement for the ailing Wan Li, Chairmen of the National People's Congress. Tian had talks with then Prime Minister, Mrs. Thatcher and Lord Caithness, the newly appointed Minister of State with responsibility for Hong Kong. The resignation of Mrs. Thatcher one week later on November 23rd prompted Sir David Wilson, Governor of Hong Kong, to state, "I am quite sure that it will not mean any change at all to British policy towards Hong Kong." Other H.K. news which received media coverage in the U.K. was the court case of 1 1 1 Vietnamese boat people who, Judge Raymond Spears ruled on November 12th, had been illegally imprisoned for 18 months. They had been detained under Section 13d of the immigration law dealing with refugees entering Hong Kong, a status which none of them had claimed. In fact, they had never sought to enter Hong Kong but only sought assistance to repair their boat before continuing their voyage to Japan. Instead, the Hong Kong authorities destroyed the boat and held them under the immigration law despite the fact that they refused to apply for asylum in Hong Kong. After the hearing, representatives of the 1 1 1 left the court as free men but were immediately rearrested under section 4 of the immigration ordinance covering illegal immigration, although they never sought to enter H.K. On November 13th, a Times leader commented that, "This happened not in Albania or China but on British soil." It criticized Hong Kong's Secretary for Security, Alistair Asprey, for his "high handed contempt" of due process. transfer assets more freely and granting autonomy of management. Clearly, Beijing hopes that Hong Kong will play an important role in investment and technology transfer in mainland development projects. However, Hong Kong's own mega- projects are a major concern for Beijing. A December article in China Daily, under the headline "HK urged not to fund large projects," failed to mention the enormous (US$16.3 billion) Hong Kong airport project, but it was clear that this was precisely the source of Beijing's worries. The Chinese government has repeatedly balked at the cost of this project, reiterating that Hong Kong's financial reserves should not be drastically depleted. The need for a new airport has not been questioned, but Beijing insists that it must be consulted on such large projects, especially as the construction of this one will extend beyond 1997. The news that the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation had decided to move its domicile to Britain was reported very briefly in the China Daily. This was followed three days later with a summary of Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman, Li Zhaoxin's remarks, urging the British government to "abide by its responsibility in safeguarding and maintaining the social stability and economic prosperity of Hong Kong during the transitional period." The Hongkong Bank's move was mentioned, but no specific recommendations on how the British government should act were made. No mention of the Hongkong Bank's move or of Li Zhaoxin's exhortation was made in the People's Daily although his comments on other topics were reported. Articles on Hong Kong in the English language China Daily greatly outnumber their counterparts in the Chinese language People's Daily. Clearly, this is in part due to the "what we think you need to know" fashion that news is published in China. The China Daily is read by a relatively small audience of intellectuals and foreigners and can, therefore, afford to be more open in its reporting. Still, reports in the China Daily are very sketchy when compared to their counterparts in the Hong Kong press. At best, Chinese readers get only half the story and are left to infer and imagine the rest UPDATE 11 Statistical Imponderables: What we do not know. by Diana Lary Toronto One of the best and most satisfying ways to deal with an issue objectively is to rely on hard statistical evidence. But the desire to be precise may be thwarted by statistical imponderables. In some instances statistics are not available; in others there are only partial statistics or ones which cannot be correlated within a specific time frame. These imponderables present some problems in looking at Canada and Hong Kong. Here are some examples: Immigration applications There are several areas of imprecision with immigrant applications. 1) The time lag between application and decision is often so long that it is impossible to make accurate correlations between applications and landings, which are spread over a number of reporting periods. 2) It is impossible to tell whether all successful immigrant applicants will come to Canada. Some people apply concurrently as immigrants to more than one country; they only decide where to go when they have heard the outcome of all their applications. One guide is to correlate the number of certificates of good behaviour issued by the Hong Kong Police with the number of applications made to foreign representatives in Hong Kong, but only the Hong Kong government can do this. 3) It is difficult to tell how long people will take between receiving a visa and departing for Canada though not more than one year is allowed. These imprecisions make it hard to predict the rate of future immigration in precise terms. Family size Immigration applications are made by an individual who is then entitled to sponsor his or her immediate family (spouse and children under 18). Estimating the number of dependents is difficult since the size of family varies. (See Immigration statistics and the Cheung/Ho article.) Location of immigrants in Canada Immigrants to Canada declare a specific destination within Canada, but the declared place of landing gives no firm indication as to where people will actually settle. There are no barriers to movement within the country; once people have landed it is up to them where they chose to live. Records are not kept on where immigrants live after they arrive. The next census figures, not due until 1992 or 1993, will only reveal ethnicity, not place of birth. It is difficult to predict the demand for services if it is not clear where the people who may need them are. It may also run counter to the immigration policy of a specific province if people who enter the country destined for a particular province do not stay there. Investment from Hong Kong in Canada One of the anticipated benefits of the migration from Hong Kong to Canada is investment in this country. Though large figures are quoted, they are seldom reliable because the process of investment is complex and constantly shifting. Although the amount of money locked in investment funds specifically geared to investor immigrants can be established at any given point, other investments are less clear cut. It is impossible to distinguish between long and short term investments, between money brought in by immigrants for their personal or business use, and money which is here only as long as the returns are good. There are no controls on the departure of money. It is also impossible to distinguish between investments made by non-residents, immigrants and Canadian citizens and, thus, to establish how much investment can be attributed directly to immigration. There is little specific significance here to the Hong Kong/Canada relationship, since the issues discussed relate to standard international market transactions. Job opportunities for immigrants Immigrant applicants in the independent class are given up to ten points for the demand for their occupation in Canada. Shifts in the point system are noted widely in Hong Kong and followed by potential immigrants as they make up their mind where to apply. However, by the time successful applicants arrive in Canada, many months or years will have elapsed since the time of application, and the occupational demand pattern may have shifted. At the end of 1989, for example, funeral directors got ten points for demand, but by the time successful applicants arrive, the demand may not be there. The immigrant experience is more painful if the immigrant has to suffer status dislocation alongside the process of migration. People of Chinese origin in Canada At the moment, it is difficult to tell the size of the Chinese ethnic group in Canada. Results of the 1991 census will not be available until 1992 or 1993, and in a period of heavy immigration from Asia, the 1981 statistics no longer give an accurate picture. If immigration statistics are added to the 1981 census figures, it is still not possible to produce an accurate figure for the Chinese group. Immigrants of Chinese origin may come from Hong Kong, the PRC, Taiwan and Southeast Asian countries, as well as from non- Asian sources. The size of the Canadian- born population of Chinese ancestry may also have changed, but birth and death figures are not tabulated by ethnicity. Though there are real distinctions amongst immigrants, and between them and Canadian-born people of Chinese descent, visible distinctions are slight. Amongst the various categories of Chinese, connections are often limited, except for special circumstances such as the pro-Democracy movement last year. Knowledge of common ethnicity is, however, significant in certain public spheres - the provision of heritage language services and of social services in one or more dialects of Chinese. It is also significant in terms of investment next page 12 UPDATE decisions for businesses geared to the Chinese community. So far, no means has been found of getting round the imprecision other than by subjective 'guesswork'. Canadian citizens in Hong Kong It is impossible to tell with any degree of accuracy how many Canadian citizens are living in Hong Kong at any given time. Estimates range from as low as 9,000 to over 30,000. There is no requirement for Canadian citizens to register at the Commission. Dual citizens live in Hong Kong as local citizens. This is a common situation; Canadian authorities seldom know how many of their citizens are in a specific country at any given time. Canadians are only advised to register at an embassy or commission if they are going to be 'residing abroad for a protracted period, or travelling in a disturbed area' (back page of passport). Lack of precision would only take on real significance if it were ever necessary to evacuate Canadians from Hong Kong. British Ministers with Responsibility for Hong Kong by Harriet Clompus London There have been many "reshuffles" within the British Government since the Joint Declaration with China was signed in December, 1984, and it is useful to examine these changes as they affect Hong Kong. Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs Sir Geoffrey Howe 1983-July 1989: Sir Geoffrey was Foreign Secretary at the time of the signing of the Joint Declaration, and he made frequent visits to both China and Hong Kong during this period. After the Peking Massacre, Sir Geoffrey stated in Parliament on June 6, 1989 that Britain "condemned the merciless treatment of peaceful demonstrators and deeply deplored the use of force to suppress the democratic aspirations of the Chinese people." The resignation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in July 1989 precipitated a cabinet reshuffle, and Sir Geoffrey became Deputy Prime Minister. He was replaced in the Foreign Office by John Major. John Major July 1989-October 1989: During John Major's three-month tenure as Foreign Secretary, Parliament discussed measures that should be taken to protect the interests of the Hong Kong people. Various immigration policies were proposed, but no final decision was reached. Mr. Major did not visit Hong Kong. Douglas Hurd October 1989-present: Under Hurd, the Nationality (H.K.) Bill was introduced and passed in April 1990. On his return from Hong Kong in mid- January 1990, Mr. Hurd stated, "We have tried to strike a balance which is disappointing to almost everyone in Hong Kong, but we believe that it is a reasonable balance." Since the passing of the Nationality Bill, the Foreign Secretary has not visited Hong Kong although he has had high level talks with Chinese officials. Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, with responsibility for Hong Kong Richard Luce, M.P. 1984-85 Timothy Renton, M.P. 1986-87: Mr. Renton made a trip to Hong Kong in January 1986 after the publication of a Green paper on Hong Kong's future. Lord Glenarthur 1988-89 Francis Maude, M.P. September 1989-August 1990: Francis Maude visited Hong Kong in April 1 990 to reassure the colony about the terms of the Nationality (H.K.) Bill and to suggest that several Western allies were considering plans to allow more Hong Kong people to have 'insurance' visas for their countries. This statement, designed to allay Hong Kong jitters, backfired when many of the countries Maude had mentioned, including Canada, denied that they had any such policy. Lord Caithness August 1990-present: Lord Caithness has no background in foreign affairs and no special knowledge of Hong Kong. He visited Hong Kong for the first time in September 1990. In a Times article (Oct.l, 1990) about the trip, entitled "A Minister Adrift in an Ocean of Indifference," Bernard Levin suggested that although the general consensus in Hong Kong was that, "Lord Caithness was not as bad as Lord Glenarthur," his lack of knowledge was profound. "What the betrayed people of Hong Kong really made of this astonishing Bertie Wooster, apparently made of ectoplasm, there is no knowing, but the choice of such an insubstantial political figure for the political overseeing of Hong Kong demonstrates with saddening clarity our government's indifference to the colony's fate." In November 1990, Lord Caithness had talks with Tian Zengpei, the Chinese Deputy Foreign Minister, on the latter's visit to Britain. In Future Issues. . . Legal Terminology in Chinese and English Japan and Hong Kong: Trade and Investment Trends Hong Kong Visa Students in Toronto Schools European Views of Hong Kong The Indian Commmunity of Hong Kong: Citizenship After 1997? UPDATE 13 NEWS IN BRIEF Five Arrested in Immigration Case by Janet A. Rubinoff Toronto On October 31, 1990, the St. John's Evening Telegram reported that three people had been arrested and charged in connection with an alleged immigration scam involving Hong Kong residents seeking Canadian citizenship. After a nine month investigation the RCMP arrested two Newfoundland residents, Citizenship Judge Eric Noseworthy and Jocelyn Saulnier, an immigration administrator in the Department of the Secretary of State, and Ottawa businessman Paul Vai Seng Ho. The three were charged with 22 offenses including conspiracy, breach of trust, bribery, and issuing false documents. The preliminary inquiry is scheduled for April 1 , 1991 and is expected to last up to six weeks, according to Colin Flynn, director of public prosecutions. Two days later in connection with the same investigation, two more people, a husband and wife who are Hong Kong nationals living in Ottawa, were arraigned on charges of giving false statements to obtain a Canadian passport. These offenses are alleged to have occurred in St. Johns. A tragic result of this case was the sudden death on November 3rd of Judge Noseworthy, five days after his arrest and release on S30.000 bail. He had been charged with "accepting commissions and rewards, breech of trust, conspiracy and possession of property obtained by crime." According to Superintendent Emerson Kaiser, the RCMP "have reliable information from Hong Kong that people have paid and are willing to pay anywhere from S 10,000 to SI 2,000 up to as high as $100,000 to get into Canada." Hong Kong 1997: dans la gueule du Dragon rouge Jules Nadeau, with the collaboration of Mathieu-Robert Sauve and the photography of Luc Sauve Quebec/Amerique, 1990 This is the first serious treatment of Hong Kong published in Quebec, and, fittingly, it is written by one of the Quebecois who knows most about Hong Kong, Jules Nadeau. Nadeau has spent a considerable amount of time in Hong Kong over the past twenty years, and has close family connections there. After the debacle in Peking in June, 1989, he went to Hong Kong and conducted an intensive enquiry into the state of the territory. He interviewed people from all walks of life, and looked at Macao and Shenzhen, as well as Hong Kong itself. The report of his enquiry reveals a generally pessimistic view of the future of Hong Kong amongst me people he talked to, but it also shows that there is still the possibility of less negative scenarios. Hongkong Bank In December, 1990 the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, one of Hong Kong's key financial organizations was reorganized under a British holding company, effectively moving the headquarters of the bank to London. The bank's substantial Hong Kong assets will remain there, but non-Hong Kong assets, including the Hongkong Bank of Canada, will come under the new London-based Hongkong and Shanghai Bank Holdings. The move was covered sympathetically in an editorial in the Globe and Mail on December 22nd: "...only by signalling its ability to rapidly decamp can the bank hope to retain the confidence of fretful foreign investors..." The move is not expected to effect the operations of the Hongkong Bank of Canada, according to a spokesman (Globe and Mail, Dec 18, 1990, B2). Hong Kong Government Recruitment in North America In an effort to maintain the Hong Kong civil service at desirable levels, the Hong Kong government has for the past few years been recruiting in North America. In 1990, 154 applications were received in Toronto and Vancouver, up from 105 the year before. These figures compare with 243 (1990) and 107 (1989) from the United States. No information is available on the success rate of applicants. Lu Ping On November 23rd, 1990, the deputy director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council in Peking was promoted director, replacing Ji Pengfei, the 80-ycar old director. Lu Ping is said to share the hard-line attitudes of Li Peng, the prime minister. B.C. Development, from page l one-acre Buddhist temple compound includes the Main Gracious Hall, where most of the activities take place, living quarters, a parking lot and the newly completed Seven Buddha Mural. Plans have been made to construct a new building which will include a Meditation Hall, teaching facility, library and new offices. Temple administrators have asked the Cily of Richmond to re-zone part of the surrounding farmland for this purpose. Construction of the temple began on September 25, 1982 when the foundation stone was laid by then mayor B.J. Blair. It was officially opened on August 3, 1986. The project was first initiated by Mr. and Mrs. Wang, devout Buddhists, who had immigrated to Canada from Hong Kong. They donated both the land and the first $300,000 towards the building of the temple. Additional funds were collected from the local Chinese community to cover a total cost of about $2.5 million. The temple is mainly financed by donations from supporters. There are four priests at the temple, including the main administrator, Reverend Cheng-Ming, originally from Mainland China. Temple staff includes sixteen members who work in the office, kitchen and farm. On the weekend, worshippers arc provided with vegetarian food prepared in the temple kitchens while vegetables from the farm are sold. Major temple activities centre on prayer and the chanting of Buddhist scriptures (sutras). There are no set services and worshippers can enter any time the temple is open to pray in front of the Kuan-Yin Bodhisattva or the Buddha of Healing. One of the main events sponsored by the temple is the yearly Da-Fo-Qi ceremony which is held at the end of November. Essentially a next page 14 UPDATE meditation, the ceremony includes seven parts and lasts for seven days from 5 in the morning till 9:30 at night. The object for worshippers is to control their physical desires and concentrate on the teachings of Buddha. Besides religious activities, the temple also offers training in Chinese culture, such as traditional painting and stone-carving. Thus, it functions as both a religious and cultural centre for the Chinese-Canadian community. Not far from the Buddhist temple is the major commercial development project, Aberdeen Mall, the largest enclosed Asian retail centre in North America. Thomas Fung, developer of the Mall and the 39-year old president of Fairchild Developments Ltd., immigrated to Vancouver from Hong Kong with his family in 1984. Prior to his immigration, Mr Fung attended high school in Vancouver as well as the University of British Columbia. Aberdeen Mall is his ninth real estate investment project in Vancouver. Named after the Aberdeen tourist district on Hong Kong Island, the Mall has two levels and covers a total of 1 1 ,000 square metres. Total cost was approximately $20 million. When it was officially opened June 30, 1990, 95% of the retail space (over 40 shops) had been leased. They include fashion boutiques, groceries, restaurants, bowling alley and a number of businesses (electronic equipment, furniture, stationery and book stores where the HK South China Morning Post is available, Chinese cinema, and even a traditional herbal tea house) that cater to an Asian clientele. The developer attributes the success of the mall to a "strong pent-up demand in the Asian community." Mr. Fung wants the mall to be a lively place especially in the evenings, to replicate the busy night life of Hong Kong. To this end, all stores must remain open to at least 7:30pm from Sunday to Wednesday and until 9:30pm from Thursday to Saturday. B.C. Buddhist temple compound Canada/HK Project: First Workshop Held The first workshop of the Canada and Hong Kong Project was successfully held at Brock University on Saturday, January 5, 1991. Convened by Prof. Charles Burton of the Department of Political Science at Brock, the workshop focused on Politics and Society in Hong Kong up to and after 1997, and included papers on religion, education, and labour unions. Papers were presented by Thomas Leung, Regent College, Vancouver, on "The Crisis and Transformation of the Role of Hong Kong Religious Organizations Before and After 1997;" Bernard Luk, Chinese University of Hong Kong, School of Education and visiting scholar at Victoria College, University of Toronto, on "Education in Hong Kong Up to 1997 and Beyond;" and Ming Chan, University of Hong Kong, Department of History, "Forever Under China's Shadow: Historical Perspectives on the Realpolitik of Hong Kong Labour Unionism Toward 1997." The papers will be published by the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies in the late spring as part of our new Canada and Hong Kong series. The next workshop, on legal issues involved in the return of Hong Kong to China, will be held this June in Hong Kong. It will coincide with the "Festival of Canada," sponsored by the Canadian Commission. The convenor of the workshop is Prof. William Angus, Faculty of Law, York University. A unique feature of the mall is the Chinese herbal tea house, called Fook Po Tong - meaning "Bringing Good Luck and Prosperity." Financed by real estate agent Willie Chan and two brothers, Patrick and Peter Chan, it is the first traditional tea house established in Canada. The Chan brothers, who immigrated from Hong Kong only a year ago, are the fourth generation of a well-known tea house in Hong Kong. Although the business is primarily for the local Chinese community, the Chans also "hope to sell the idea to Canadians as a natural health food." Hong Kong Institute for Asia Pacific Studies The Chinese University of Hong Kong The Institute was established in September 1990 to promote multi- disciplinary social science research on social, political and economic development. The Institute's research emphasis is on the role of Hong Kong in the Asia-Pacific Region. The director is Dr. Yeung Yue-man, and the associate director Dr. Lau Siu-kai. The current research projects directly related to Hong Kong are: Hong Kong and Asia- Pacific Economies, directed by Dr. Liu Pak-wai and Dr. Wong Yue-chim; Political Development of Hong Kong, directed by Dr. Lau Siu-kai; and Social Indicators and Social Development of Hong Kong, directed by Lai Siu-kai. There is an Information and Documentation Unit, headed by Dr. Maurice Brosseau. The address is: Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T., Hong Kong. Oxford Hong Kong Project The Hong Kong Project at the Centre for Modem Chinese Studies, Oxford University, was set up in 1986, sponsored jointly by the Rhodes House Library. Its aim is to secure research materials on Hong Kong and promote research and better understanding of Hong Kong. One of its prime tasks is to collect the private papers of retired civil servants, and to conduct interviews with them and with other people who have made major contributions to modern Hong Kong. More than 50 people have already been interviewed. The interviews are transcribed and then deposited in the Rhodes House Library. If no specific restrictions are imposed by the interviewee, the transcripts will be released for scholarly research thirty years after the last event discussed in the transcript. Director: Dr. Steven Tsang Address: Centre for Modern Chinese Studies 57, Woodstock Road Oxford OX2 6JF UPDATE 15 The Canada and Hong Kong Update is distributed free. Please call or write to us if you are not on our mailing list. Past issues are available on request (416)736-5784 Canada and Hong Kong Project Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies Administrative Studies Building, Suite 200K York University 4700 Keele Street North York, Ontario CANADA M3J 1P3 16 UPDATE 5. CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Number 4 SPRING 1991 Prime Minister's Visit to Hong Kong Prime Minister Mulroney visited Hong Kong from May 22-26, to launch the Festival of Canada. At a dinner on May 24, given by the governor, Sir David Wilson, the PM talked about the importance of Hong Kong to Canada. "People from Hong Kong have settled throughout Canada; it is a rare town that has no families of Chinese origin. And these families have brought the same qualities of enterprise, energy and self-reliance to their communities in Canada that have made such a contribution to economic and cultural life here. With more than 28,000 more immigrants this past year from Hong Kong and with further immigrants still to come in future years, the Hong Kong thread in the Canadian national tapestry is becoming brighter and stronger and more mutually rewarding." He underlined Canada's intention to treat Hong Kong as a distinct political entity. At the dinner he said: "As we end this century, the name Hong Kong takes on a new meaning. Hong Kong becomes synonymous with autonomy and with the co-existence of two social systems. Canada wants to see Hong Kong's constitutional development and democratic institutions grow to match your economic enterprise and your truly impressive achievements. "Canada values its relationship with Hong Kong. We believe that it is in everyone's best interest that it continue and prosper long into the next century and beyond. You can count on Canada's friendship and support throughout this delicate and challenging period." The fact that the PM's visit to Asia did not include a trip to China underscored this sense of Hong Kong's autonomy. His visit also stressed past ties; with Sir David he visited the war memorial for Canadian soldiers killed during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong and reaffirmed present and future Canadian commitment to Hong Kong. In a speech to the Canadian Chamber of Commerce on May 24, the Prime Minister talked about the growing trade between Hong Kong and Canada: "the economic links between our societies continue to expand and deepen. The numbers tell the story. Our two-way merchandise trade in 1990 was over $1.7 billion (Canadian). Canadian exports to Hong Kong have almost doubled in the last five years. In 1990, Hong Kong was our fifth most important trading partner in the Asia- Pacific region. Billions of dollars of investment from Hong Kong are contributing to the dynamism of both our economy and yours "Trade with Asia is crucial to Canada's future. Canada trades more with Asia than it does with Western Europe. Our two-way merchandise trade with this region hit S33.5 billion in 1990, and through the '80's, that trade grew at a pace which exceeded that with any other part of the world. Canada's past has been largely an Atlantic past. Canada's future will be increasingly a Pacific future. We want Hong Kong to play a major role in that future. "Canada's partnership with Hong Kong goes far beyond trade. I want to assure you today of Canada's support as you meet the challenges of the years ahead. Canada endorses the autonomy preserved for Hong Kong by the Joint Declaration, particularly in areas of trade, economy and law. That autonomy is essential to Hong Kong's prosperity. And, as important, Canada believes that the autonomy of Hong Kong is essential for the prosperity of this entire region, including China itself." On May 23, after a visit with a group of Vietnamese boat people about to leave for Canada, the Prime Minister said, in a spontaneous gesture of compassion, that Canada would take more refugees and, thus, help to reduce the scale of the world refugee problem: "if you take more than your share, not less, you eventually alleviate the human suffering." However, he made no commitment of the kind hoped for by many Hong Kong people to increase the scale of Hong Kong immigration to Canada. IN THIS ISSUE: Prime Minister's Visit to Hong Kong 1 Guarantees of Human Rights 2 Hong Kong Veterans 3 PADS - Further Development 3 per F1029.5 H6 C36 Response to UK Nationality Package 3 Beijing Update on Hong Kong 4 Immigrant Demographics 5 Macau's Transition to Chinese Rule 8 Indians of Hong Kong 9 Associations 11 Support for Hong Kong in the UK 14 Winnipeg Hosts First National Meeting of Chinese Canadians Since '75 15 Conference on Human Rights & Democracy in China 16 CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Editor; Diana Lary Janet A. Rubinoff Illustration & Design IMS Creative Communications Contributors Philip Calvert Ho-yin Cheung Harriet Clompus Stephanie Gould Susan Henders Keung-sing Ho Mark Rowswell Hugh Xiaobing Tan Irene Tong Canada and Hong Kong Update is published three times a year by the Canada and Hong Kong Project, Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, Suite 200K, Administrative Studies Bldg. York University, 4700 Keele St., North York, Ontario, CANADA M3J 1P3 Telephone: (416) 736-5784 Fax:(416)736-5687 Opinions expressed in this newsjoumal are those of the author alone. CANADA AND HONG KONG PROJECT Director Diana Lary Coordinator Janet A. Rubinoff Advisory Board David Bond Denise Chong Maurice Copithome Dr. Bemie Frolic John Higginbotham Graeme McDonald Dr. T.G. McGee Jules Nadeau Dr. William Saywell Dr. Wang Gungwu We want to thank the Dormer Canadian Foundation for its very generous support which has made this project possible. The Foundation's long-standing interest in Canada's international relations with Asia has enabled us to conduct research which we consider to be of great significance for the future of the country. This publication is free. Please call or write to us for past or future issues. Festival of Canada in Hong Kong The Festival of Canada was launched by Prime Minister Mulroney on May 24th. The heart of the Festival will start on June 19th, and will be officially opened by the governor of Hong Kong, Sir David Wilson. Altogether fifty events have been arranged on the theme of "Canada and Hong Kong: Friends Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow." There are several strands to the Festival programme: in the cultural area, there will be performances by Les Grands Ballets Canadiens, Jean-Paul Sevilla^ Margie Gillis, Mimeworks and Ofra Harnoy.jThere will also be a film festival, including the Hong Kong premier of Bethune: The Making of a Hero. The business programme will be highlighted by trade promotions and meetings of Canadian business associations from all over Asia. There will be showcases on tourism, industry and technology, and the environment. On the academic side, there will be two legal events, both held at the University of Hong Kong. One will be a conference on the Bill of Rights, the second a workshop on a series of specialized legal issues. The Festival will finish with a picnic on June 30th, the day before Canada Day. On Canada Day itself there will be a gala reception, and a totem pole, given by the government of Canada to the people of Hong Kong, will be erected in Kowloon Park. Guarantees of Human Rights in Hong Kong • The United Nations Human Rights Committee meets several times a year to hear reports from signatories of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. (Eighty countries are signatories of the Covenant; China is one of the few countries which has not signed.) Signatories are bound to implement the rights listed in the Covenant and must report every four years to the Committee. Hong Kong has been covered under the Covenant since 1976 when the British government ratified it. Article 156 of the Joint Declaration guarantees the continuation of the Covenant after 1997: "the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights will remain in force." The Hong Kong Bill of Rights, soon to become law, is based word for word on the Covenant. On April 1, 1991, United Kingdom representatives were called to answer questions on the periodic report from Britain, which included a section on Hong Kong. The UK government sent a five person team principally to answer questions about Northern Ireland; a second five -man group was sent from the Hong Kong government. The team was led by Solicitor General Frank Stock, who was accompanied by the Assistant Solicitor, General Philip Dykes, and three principal assistant secretaries. The Human Rights Committee members asked a number of questions about the enforcement of the Covenant in Hong Kong after 1997, given that China has not signed it. The UK delegation was asked about "measures regarding the protection of human rights of citizens of Hong Kong after the territory is handed over to China in 1997." The Committee wanted to know what Britain would do to ensure compliance after 1997. The United Kingdom was asked if it would be willing to sign the Optional Protocol, which would allow people suffering human rights abuses to complain to the Committee directly. (Canada has signed this protocol; it is used quite often by native people. The UK has not). The Committee requested another report on the situation in Hong Kong in two years, instead of the normal four. At the end of the meeting, the UK government was asked by the Committee to ensure that irreversible human rights statutes be put in place in Hong Kong before the territory's transfer to China in 1997. The Committee made it clear that it considered the UK responsible for ensuring that the people of Hong Kong not be exposed to abuses in the future. After their stay in New York, Mr. Stock and Mr. Dykes visited Ottawa on April 4th and met people involved with human rights issues in Canada, including Justice Strayer, who helped in preparing Hong Kong's Bill of Rights. Mr Dykes then came to Toronto for a visit to the Ontario Human Rights Commission. Canada is the only country with a common law system to have developed legislation and administrative procedures for the protection of human rights, and this experience may be useful to Hong Kong in the future. 2 UPDATE PADS: Further Developments Hong Kong's Port and Airport Development Project continues to be a focal point of concern for both parties involved, as well as an indicator of some of Peking's attitudes towards its relationship with the territory as 1997 approaches. While negotiations on the project are still taking place, all indications are that the project itself will be scaled down if it is to obtain the approval of the Chinese government - approval which is needed for private sector support of the project. In January of this year, after some initial negotiations in the fall of 1990, Hong Kong and Chinese officials met for further discussions on PADS. During the course of these discussions, the Chinese side stated that Peking had to be consulted on all matters which straddle 1997. The Hong Kong side reacted firmly to what seemed to be a move towards veto power over major policy decisions before 1997, and Peking's position was rejected. By early March, however, it appeared that the Hong Kong government was willing to reconsider the phasing of financing for the project and to have Peking representation in its development. However, no progress was made during the visit of British Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd to Peking in April, and the airport project now seems to be stalled. Meetings between officials from Britain, Hong Kong and China, which, it had been hoped, would break the deadlock, ended inconclusively in Peking on May 22. Peking continues to express concern that the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will have adequate fiscal reserves in 1997, arguing that the projects being planned could leave as little as HKS5 billion in the reserves. Hong Kong estimates that the figure will be closer to S30 billion, as compared with present levels of $72 billion. Peking has asked Hong Kong to set aside a substantial portion of the fiscal reserves for management of the new SAR after 1997. The issue is as much political as fiscal. Peking wants a say in a project which will not only have downstream benefits to the region but also great costs. Peking also seems to be putting an interventionist definition to the clause of the 1984 Joint Declaration which allowed for "increased consultation" in the latter part of the countdown to 1997. Peking's interpretation of "consultation" goes well beyond that of the Hong Kong Government. The final definition agreed on will have great influence over the evolution of Hong Kong in the next six years. Hong Kong Veterans A highlight of Prime Minister Mulroney's visit to Tokyo came on May 28, when Japanese Prime Minister Kaifu made a formal apology for the maltreatment of Canadian prisoners of war in Hong Kong and Japan during the Second World War. He apologised for the "unbearable suffering and pain that were caused by the Japanese state against the Canadian people who experienced such sufferings." Almost fifty years ago, 1,975 Canadians were taken prisoner by Japanese forces who took Hong Kong on Christmas Day, 1941. Five-hundred and fifty -seven died during the War; seven-hundred are still alive today. Spokesmen for the survivors reacted negatively to the Japanese apology. Clifford Chatterton, CEO of the War Amputations of Canada, said that an apology without compensation was an insult. The survivors filed a claim against the Japanese government for reparations with the United Nations Human Rights Committee in February of this year. Poor Response to UK Nationality Package by llo-yin Cheung and Keung-sing Ho Hong Kong The poor response to the controversial British nationality package, which provides right of abode to qualified Hong Kong people, was unanticipated. At the end of the three month application period on February 28, the total number of forms received was only 65,674. This figure was far lower than the 300,000 predicted by Hong Kong Government officials. Initial processing indicated that there were about 48,380 applications under the general occupation class, which provides places for 32300 households in this first round. (A second round is to begin after 1993.) Only 7,750 forms have been received from people in the Government's disciplined services class, which had been allotted 6,100 places. A further 1,500 applications were made under the sensitive service class, which provides for a total of 6,300 households. Of the 500 places in the entrepreneur class, reserved for those invited by the Governor, just 200 were received. Separate quotas cannot be transferred from undersubscribed classes to oversubscribed. Altogether, only one-tenth of those targeted by the scheme had submitted an application. The British Home Office declined to give any reasons for the poor response to the right of abode plan, while the Director of Administration of the territory, Donald Tsang Yam-kuen, insisted that the British nationality scheme has already been a success. The administration has rejected criticism directed against both the abode plan and its failure to adequately publicize the scheme. The unexpected poor response is attributed to a number of factors. One obvious factor is the very length and complexity of the application form which is 32 pages long [see Canada and Hong Kong Update, Winter 1991: 10]. The reference manual for the form is over 250 pages. In many cases it would be difficult to prepare the application without special expertise or legal advice. Although officials may feel the lengthy form is clear and comprehensive, most members of the UK Package, cont'd page 4 UPDATE 3 UK Package, from page 3 public have found it very complicated and also too limited in its scope. Many simply did not apply because they thought they would not qualify. A second factor is the Government's failure to sufficiently publicize the scheme. One of the main reasons for this low profile promotion was the sensitivity of the Hong Kong Government to Beijing's antagonism to the plan. Since Parliament's passage of the Nationality Package in October 1990, Chinese officials have opposed the provision of an "insurance plan" for highly qualified administrative and business people to leave the territory. A third reason is the perception of Hong Kong people that the abode plan merely offered a "travel document" rather than citizenship. Since only 50,000 heads of households were to receive passports, many people believed they had little chance of success. That fact coupled with the limited focus of the abode scheme on professional and managerial elites discouraged many people from applying for migration to Britain. At the same time, according to Michael Davis, law lecturer at the Chinese University, there is considerable resentment among Hong Kong people that they must now "apply for something that should already be theirs." Many of these professionals or their parents previously held British Hong Kong Territory passports that guaranteed a right of abode before Britain recently changed the law [Far Eastern Economic Review, April 18, 1991: 20]. In Britain, the Labour Party's home affairs spokesman, Mr. Alistair Darling, maintained that the low number of applications indicated growing confidence in Hong Kong. He suggested that recent tough Chinese statements on the future of the territory were only diplomatic rhetoric. However, the fact that the rate of migration out of Hong Kong is one every six minutes at Hong Kong International Airport belies this optimistic assessment. More importantly, the preferred destinations for Hong Kong migrants are Canada, Australia and the United States, which are perceived to have more vital economies and greater opportunities than Great Britain. This perception has also contributed to the poor response to the UK Nationality Package. As Liberal Democrat foreign affairs spokesman, David Steel, concluded, "The UK is not as attractive a location as Her Majesty's Government thought." One troubling implication of Britain's embarrassment over the poor return is that MP's and other government officials are likely to assume that the problem of Hong Kong is no longer a pressing issue and that the crisis of confidence of Hong Kong people has dissipated [South China Morning Post, March 1, 1991: 7]. Fearful Fours There is a belief in some circles, much stressed in some of the recent commentaries on Hong Kong immigration, that no person of Chinese ethnicity will ever buy a house with a 4 in its number. ('Four' is a homonym of the word 'death'; it is also a homonym of 'silk', 'private' and 'thought'). This belief recently led some residents of Metro Toronto to make a formal request to the North York Council to allow applications to delete the numeral four from a house number "where proven hardship exists with respect to the sale of a property due to its existing number" {Minutes of the Meeting of North York Council, February 20, 1991). The proposers are non-Chinese people who are considering selling their houses, and believe that having a four in the number of their house will make it impossible for them to sell to a Chinese buyer. The request was denied by Council by a vote of 14 to 1. North York Mayor Mel Lastman, well- known for his pithy comments, described the request as "the stupidest thing I have ever heard of." The request was also opposed by the Toronto chapter of the Chinese Canadian Council; a spokeswoman said that the superstition about four was held by only a small number of Chinese. Beijing Update on Hong Kong by Mark Rowswell Beijing In early 1991 news about Hong Kong in the Chinese press increased in frequency, reaching a peak during British Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd's visit to China in early April. Despite the increase, however, there remained little of substance in reports on Hong Kong. The frequency of news reports corresponded to a relative flurry of diplomatic activity between Chinese, Hong Kong and British officials and businessmea In early January the second round of talks between Chinese and British experts on large-scale capital construction in Hong Kong was held in Beijing. (The first round took place last October.) At the same time, Chinese President Yang Shangkun met with a delegation from the Hong Kong Chinese General Chamber of Commerce. Another high-level economic mission, headed by the executive director of the Hong Kong Trade Development Council, Jack So, arrived in Beijing for the opening of a trade exhibition in April. In late January Hong Kong Governor Sir David Wilson met in Beijing with Chinese Premier Li Peng, the director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office, Lu Ping, and former director Ji Pengfei. Six weeks later Lu and Ji held meetings with Sir David in Hong Kong and again the following month, in early April. British Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd met with top Chinese officials in Beijing. Despite all this activity, nothing substantial seems to have happened judging from the Chinese news reports. Results of the meetings and British views rarely are reported. News articles mainly relay the concerns expressed by the Chinese side, making for very monotonous reading. Central to this diplomatic activity is the new Hong Kong airport scheme, often referred to under the broader terms "large scale capital construction" or "large infrastructure projects." The Chinese repeatedly stressed that such projects "have created concern among Hong Kong residents who fear the projects, which were haphazardly drawn up, will require too much capital" and will "add burdens to Hong Kong and its taxpayers." In January Li Peng 4 UPDATE suggested it was possible to have a smaller investment but higher economic efficiency and added that "the Chinese side docs not seek any selfish interest in this matter." The Chinese have emphasized the need for a cooperative relationship with British authorities. In February the director of the Hong Kong branch of the Xinhua News Agency, Zhou Nan, stated that the Chinese government has "no intention of interfering in the purely administrative affairs of Hong Kong before 1997, but was duty bound to look into important matters that straddle 1997 and on which the future government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will bear responsibilities and commitments." During Douglas Hurd's visit, the Chinese Foreign Minister, Qian Qichen, remarked that "there is no such thing as China maintaining control or veto power" over such matters. Communist Party General Secretary Jiang Zemin said that China and Britain are "in the same boat" and should work closely together. Considerable emphasis is placed on the Basic Law, which was claimed to have already begun to play a guiding role in handling Hong Kong affairs, although the law does not come into effect until July 1, 1997. A front page editorial commemorating the first anniversary of the law appeared in the Peoples Daily on April 4. On April 15, a long editorial in China Daily summed up Douglas Hurd's visit, repeated Chinese concerns about Hong Kong and stressed the role of the Basic Law. The article quoted from an editorial in Ta Gong Poo which compared Hong Kong to a running train, the Basic Law having laid down a new track on which it would run. The conclusion was that "unless the train heads for the beginning of the new track now, it might go off the rails and overturn." Douglas Hurd's comments to Li Peng expressing the hope that "with your [Li's] help this visit may mark a step forward in giving greater practical content to cooperation between our two countries" seems to have been in vain, at least for the time being. The same article that reported this comment added, "a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman did not elaborate on the outcome of their discussion or the Hong Kong airport issue - besides quoting Premier Li Peng as saying that China has adopted a 'cooperative attitude' on the issue of Hong Kong's new airport." It seems clear that the Chinese are not as interested in resolving concrete matters such as the airport plan as they are in using such issues to define the role China plays in Hong Kong during these final years of British rule. Immigrant Demographics, 1990 by Diana Lary Toronto The number of immigrants from Hong Kong landed in 1990 was 28,949, a rise of 45% over 1989 and 24% over 1988. The change in numbers did not have any major effect on the demographic characteristics of the immigrants. Some changes are apparent, in terms of language knowledge and levels of education, but these are slight shifts rather than dramatic alterations. Principal immigrants/dependents Over the past three years, the number of principal immigrants has been declining slowly as a proportion of all immigrants, while the number of dependents has risen. 1988 1989 1990 Single 10914 9603 14269 Married 11645 9656 13837 Widowed 503 437 613 Divorced 168 118 177 Separated 51 47 53 Total 23281 19861 28949 Ages The age range of immigrants over the past three years has shown little change. The majority continue to be in the most productive years: 50% of immigrants in 1988 were between 25 and 44, 48% in 1989 1988 % 1989 % 1990 % Principal 10353 (44.5) 8407 (42.3) 11169 (38.6%) Spouse 5400 (23.2) 4359 (21.9) 6449 (22.8%) Dependents 7528 (32.3) 7083 (35.7) 11304 (39.0%) Total 23281 19861 28949 Male/female ratios Male/female ratios have remained constant: in 1990 the ratio was 52%:48%; in 1989 it was 59%:49%. The percentage of female principal immigrants remains high, though at 34% (1990) it is well below the 41% for 1988 and 43% for 1989. The number of sponsored husbands declined in parallel from 10.23% in 1988 to 10% in 1989 and to 7.2% in 1990. Total Male Female 1988 11142 12139 1989 9396 10465 1990 14159 14790 Marital status The number of married immigrants declined slightly in 1990: 47.8% were married, as opposed to 50% in 1988 and 48.6% in 1989. These changes are too small to suggest a major change away from the predominantly family migration. and 49.4% in 1990. Other age groups show equally minor fluctuations. Children made up 22% of the group in 1988, 20% in 1989 and 22% in 1990. Young people accounted for 12% in 1988, 13.9% in 1989 and 1 1.8% in 1990. Middle-aged people made up 12.5% of the 1988 intake, 13.7% of 1989 and 12.3% of 1990. The retired group has grown slightly, from 3% in 1988, to 3.5% in 1989, to 4% in 1990. 0-14 15-24 25-44 45-64 65+ 1988 5126 2825 11686 2911 733 1989 4132 2769 9532 2723 705 1990 6478 3432 14303 3565 1171 Language abilities Over half of Hong Kong immigrants who landed in 1988 and 1989 spoke English; in 1990 the figure dipped slightly to 49%. In the category of principal immigrants the percentages were higher (77.1% in 1988, 70.8% in 1989, 68.8% in 1990). There has been a gradual decline over the past three years in the proportion of English speakers. There is a similar decline in the proportion of French speakers (unilingual or bilingual) from 0.63% in 1988, to 0.51% in 1989 and 0.37% in 1990. Immigrant Demographics, cont'd page 6 UPDATE 5 Immigrant Demographics, frorr page 5 Mother Principal immigrants: education levels English -rench Bilingual tongue 1988 % 1989 % 1990 % 1988 None 384 (3.7) 272 (3.2) 444 (3.9) Principal 7984 49 66 2254 Secondary or less 3119 (30.1) 3331 (39.7) 4637 (41.5) Spouse 3374 6 18 2202 Trade certificate 2255 (21.8) 1728 (20.6) 2039 (17.4) Dependent 1718 1 7 5802 Non-university 1354 (13.1) 986 (11.7) 1199 (10.7) Total 13076 56 91 10058 Univ. non-degree 371 (3.6) 402 (4.8) 453 (4.0) % (56.2) (0.24) (0.39) (43.2) B.A. 2137 (20.6) 1231 (14.7) 1686 (15.1) Some post-grad 127 (1.2) 89 (1.1) 106 (0.9) 1989 M.A. 579 (5.6) 338 (4.0) 459 (4.1) Principal 5954 21 57 2375 Ph.D. 26 (0.3) 23 (0.3) 31 (0.3) Spouse 2366 3 11 1979 Non known 1 7 116 (1.0) Dependent 1905 2 7 5169 Total 10353 8407 11169 Not stated 8 4 Total 10233 26 75 9527 Spouses: education levels % (51.5) (0.13) (0.38) (47.9) None 203 (3.8) 156 (3.6) 6 (4.3) Secondary or less 2916 (54.0) 2647 (60.7) 3979 (61.7) 1990 Trade certificate 921 (17.1) 639 (14.7) 958 (14.8) Principal 7687 2 71 3407 Non-university 576 (10.7) 376 (8.6) 514 (7.9) Spouse 3524 15 2909 Univ. non-degree 70 (1.3) 81 (1.9) 115 (1.8) Dependent 3064 6 12 8222 B.A. 522 (9.7) 347 (7.9) 464 (7.2) Not stated 22 5 Some post-grad 58 (1.1) 27 (0.6) 33 (0.5) Total 14297 8 98 14543 M.A. 122 (2.3) 78 (1.8) 79 (1.2) % (49.3) (0.03) (0.34) (50.2) Ph.D Not known Total 12 5400 (0.2) 8 4359 (0.2) 6 25 6449 (0.09) Educational levels There has been a slight decline in the educational levels of Dependents: educational level} immigrants over he period 1988-1990, caused perhaps by a rise in None 2073 (27.5) 1600 (22.6) 2703 (23.9) the proportion of people coming in under the family class. This Secondary or less 5028 (66.8) 4692 (66.3) 7107 (62.8) decline does not effect the fact that this is a highly educated group Trade certificate 106 160 314 of immigrants. Non-university Univ. no degree 44 262 95 335 184 418 1988 % 1989 % 1990 % B.A. 6 160 390 None 2660 (11.4) 2031 (10.2) 3423 (11.8) Post-grad 7 7 29 Secondary or less 1 1063 (47.5) 10672 (53.8) 15723 (54.4) Master 1 29 72 Trade certificate 3282 (14.1) 2527 (12.7) 3311 (11.4) Ph.D 1 84 Non-university 1974 (8.5) 1458 (7.4) 1897 (6.6) Not known 1 4 Univ, non-degree 703 (3.0) 822 (4.1) 986 (3.4) Total 7528 7083 11304 B.A. 2665 (11.5) 1740 (8.8) 2540 (8.8) Some post-graduate 192 (0.8) 123 (0.6) 168 (0.6) Occupation M.A. 702 (3.0) 445 (2.2) 610 (2.1) In 1990, about half of all immigrants from Hong Kong were Ph.D. 38 (0.16) 32 (0.16) 40 (0.14) destined for the work force. There were some significant changes in Not known 2 1 224 the occupational composition of the immigrant group from 1988 to Total 23281 19861 28922 1990. The percent ige of e ntreprenei irs fluctuated from 4.7% in 1988 At the highest levels of education, the number of university graduates was 3597 (15.1%) in 1988, 2340 (11.8%) in 1989 and 3358 (1 1.6%) in 1990. For principal immigrants alone, the figures for university graduates were 2869 (27.7%)in 1988, 1681 (20%) in 1989 and 2282 (20.4%) in 1990. At the bottom end of the educational spectrum, the proportion of adults with little education included: in 1988, 3503 (33.8%) principal immigrants with secondary school education or less, in 1989 42.9%, and in 1990 45.4%. In 1988 57.8% of spouses had secondary school education or less, in 1989 65%, and in 1990 66%. Many of the dependents are still at school. to 6.5% in 1989, to 3.5% in 1990, while the managerial and administrative category declined from 12.5% to 8.6% (1989) to 7.6% (1990). New workers rose from 4.4% to 10.1%. 6 UPDATE 1988 % 1989 % 1990 % Entrepreneur 1087 (4.7) 1276 (6.5) 1030 (3.5) Investors 533* Managerial & admin. 2876 (12.4) 1696 (8.6) 2189 (7.6) Science/ engineering 1170 (5.0) 493 (2.5) 613 (2.1) Social Science 283 131 213 Religion 19 22 19 Teacher 148 95 95 Medicine & health 335 215 294 Arts 275 242 269 Sports & recreation 4 2 4 Clerical 2604 (11.2) 1872 (9.4) 1280 (4.4) Sales 912 632 895 Service 325 344 379 Farming 8 4 7 Fishing, hunting 7 Forestry 1 Mining 1 Processing 20 21 29 Machining 27 23 55 Fabricating 361 250 493 Construction 49 58 166 Transport 31 18 19 Material handling 23 11 3 Other crafts 53 55 170 New workers 1013 1994 Not classified - - 5742 Not stated - - 32 Other 11650 10407 - Total workers - - 14540 Non-workers - - 14409 Total 23281 19861 28949 * classification introduced in 1990 We should like to thank Meyer Burstein, Ludvik Medona and Ron Cadieux of Employment and Immigration Canada, for making these statistics available to us. Martin Pilzmaker On April 19, 1991, Martin Pilzmaker was found dead in his Toronto apartment; his death appears to have been a suicide. When he died, Mr. Pilzmaker was free on bail, facing a series of charges of conspiracy, forgery, making false declarations, uttering false documents, theft and fraud. The charges related to his immigration practice at Lang Michener Lash Johnston, a prominent Toronto law firm. His practice centred on bringing in people from Hong Kong under the Business Immigration Program. He was disbarred from the Law Society of Upper Canada in January, 1990. His trial was to have started on May 20. His lonely death brought to an end a career which for a brief period was glamorous and highly lucrative, but crashed in ruins when his activities came to light. Immigration Patterns, 1990-91 by Diana Lary Toronto The final immigration figures for 1990 reveal that the number of Hong Kong immigrants landed in 1990 rose significantly over previous years, from 23,281 in 1988 and 19,861 in 1989 to 28,949 in 1990. The number of immigrants may be expected to continue at a high rate; in 1990, 13,273 applications* were received from people whose country of last permanent residence was Hong Kong. Applications received 1990, CLPR Hong Kong Family class 5048 Convention refugee Designated class 48 Assisted relatives 1512 Entrepreneurs 3210 Investors 1074 Self-employed 220 Retired 758 Other independents 1403 Total 13273 Family and business classes accounted for 71.9% of these while the independent class accounted for only 10.6%. Not all these applications were received in Hong Kong; 2,042 were made at other posts, principally in the USA. Processing times can be expected to be shorter at these posts than in Hong Kong where there is a considerable backlog. There are presently 21,020 applications in process at the HK Canadian Commission, the majority in the family and business classes which are given priority in processing. There are several thousand further applications at the Commission whose processing has not yet started; these are principally in the independent and assisted relative classes which do not have processing priority. * An application may be for more than one person. UPDATE 7 Macau's Transition to Chinese Rule After almost 450 years as a Portuguese administered territory, Macau, the oldest European enclave in China, confronts an uncertain future as it prepares for Beijing to take the reigns in less than nine years. On December 20, 1999, Macau will become a Special Administrative Region of China, theoretically with the same "high degree of autonomy" and right to continue its capitalist, liberal way of life for 50 years as granted to Hong Kong. However, Portuguese officials and Macau people alike fear the People's Republic of China will swallow Macau's almost 17 square kilometres in one bite. In many ways Macau is already half way into the dragon's mouth. A Monaco of the Far East to the Hong Kong Chinese who crowd its casinos on weekends, the Portuguese enclave has long lived under the British colony's economic shadow, Lisbon's benign neglect and China's political thumb. There are advantages to its close relationship with the PRC, according to Edmund Ho, a prominent Macau Chinese banker and York University alumnus. Ho, who received his high school as well as university education in Canada, is considered to be Beijing's choice for governor of Macau after 1999. "The majority of Macau people are willing to work with China," Ho maintained in an interview. "In this respect it [the transition] will go much more smoothly than in Hong Kong." However, Ho, whose late father Ho Yin was Beijing's unofficial representative in Macau for years, admitted mere are other problems to overcome if Macau is to make a successful transition to PRC rule. As the majority of its inhabitants were born in China and many are recent immigrants, identity with Portuguese Macau is very weak and attachment to China is strong. Portuguese remains the territory's only official language although it is spoken by only 4% of Macau's 500,000 overwhelmingly Chinese residents. As a result, very few local people have either the linguistic or technical capacity to run the Portuguese-style government or legal system. Furthermore, Macau's economy is dominated by Hong Kong investors in textiles, toys, plastics and electronics by Susan Henders Hong Kong manufacturing and Hong Kong weekend gamblers. "Our future autonomy is forced, not natural," Macau Legislative Assembly deputy, Alexandre Ho, said in an interview. "We have to try to create the conditions that will make it work, but it's very difficult." These measures include the strengthening of Macau's economic and political infrastructure. The Portuguese say they are reluctant to let the last remnant of their empire be absorbed into Hong Kong or the neighbouring PRC Special Economic Zone of Zhuhai. After the debacles of Portuguese decolonization in Goa (now part of India), Africa and East Timor (now part of Indonesia) in the 1960's and 1970's, Macau is Portugal's last chance at a dignified, peaceful exit. With the way smoothed by Lisbon's generally cordial relationship with China, Portuguese officials are trying to make the most of their last years in the enclave. In partnership with casino magnate Stanley Ho and Portuguese and PRC investors, the present Macau government is spending billions of dollars trying to transform its faded colonial facade and quiet alleys into the chrome and glass-lined streets of a booming regional service centre. "It can't be autonomous politically, in size or in population," concludes Joao de Deus Ramos, an expatriate Portuguese who is Macau's Secretary for Transitional Affairs. "The only place where we can do things is in the economy." The government and its partners are pushing ahead construction of the territory's new airport and deepwatcr port, its first international transportation links that do not depend on Hong Kong. With a new 3.9 kilometre bridge to the PRC border, high-tech industrial park, technology institute and United Nations software centre also planned, the government hopes to attract enough international investors to turn Macau into a service hub for the west side of China's prosperous Pearl River delta. Portugal's history of uncertain sovereignty in the territory has traditionally hampered its administration in Macau, which is officially described as Chinese territory under Portuguese administration. "I don't think we've ever had a clearer cut plan for the next 60 years than we do now," Ramos commented. If global business cycles cooperate and the strategy succeeds, economic success could provide significant benefits for Macau's political autonomy. Until now the main guarantee of its post- 1999 status as a liberal, capitalist enclave in communist China has been Beijing's desire not to do anything in Macau that might upset business confidence in Hong Kong. The enclave is assuming the Chinese government would be more likely to keep its hands off if Macau is independently useful to China's economic modernization drive and if it has a higher international profile. Other potential barriers to PRC interference, such as a strong local civil service, independent judiciary and a vibrant political system, might not provide much help. Macau Chinese, few of whom have been motivated to leam Portuguese, have traditionally been excluded from all but the lowest ranks of the civil service. All government policy-making and senior technical posts are occupied by expatriate Portuguese on short-term contracts. The Macanese, 10,000-15,000 locally-born Eurasians who speak both Cantonese and Portuguese, dominate the administrations 's middle ranks and act as intermediaries between Chinese residents and their Portuguese rulers. All of Macau's judges and all but a handful of its lawyers are Portuguese. The rest are Macanese. The Portuguese have begun training younger local Chinese to assume senior civil service positions. This involves Portuguese language instruction so they can communicate with departing expatriate administrators and read the numerous Por'uguese documents and laws of the colonial enclave. However, even if localization efforts succeed, there is no guarantee the newly-trained bureaucrats will stay in Macau beyond 1999. More than 100,000 Macau people, most of them Chinese, have full Portuguese citizenship, including the right to live in Portugal and, 8 UPDATE after 1992, anywhere in the European Community. Ironically, this will entitle them to live in Britain, an option available to few Hong Kong Chinese under current British nationality laws. Opinion polls taken in late 1989 indicated about one in five Macau Chinese plan to emigrate, most to Canada, the United States or Australia, and not to Portugal. Younger, better educated Chinese who make up the majority of new civil service recruits are particularly distrustful of China's intentions toward Macau and are most likely to leave unless their confidence improves. The 1989 polls found as many as 65% of Macanese also plan to leave, many of them civil servants. Prospects for a smooth transition are no better for the legal system. In 1989 the Macau government began in earnest to translate Macau's Portuguese legal codes into Chinese. It hopes to have the bulk of the job completed by late 1999, but it is still unclear who will be administering and interpreting the law after the Portuguese leave. A new law program at Macau's University of East Asia (the name will change to the University of Macau in the next academic year) will graduate the enclave's first class of Macau-trained lawyers in 1993. However, difficulties in studying law in Portuguese have forced some local Chinese to drop out of the program. Most of the first graduating class will be expatriate Portuguese with little reason to remain in Macau although some will be allowed to work for the post-1999 government. Fortunately, the number of local Chinese law students is increasing each year. Nevertheless, Macau people still worry that shortages of local Chinese administrators, interpreters, judges and lawyers after 1999 will make it easier for Beijing to bring in its own people to fill vacant positions. Macau's Secretary for Justice, Sebastiao Povoas, admitted that two PRC students in the first year of the Macau law program - both fluent in Portuguese and armed with mainland law degrees - have caused some anxiety. However, he defends their presence by saying, "It's better to bring them into Macau now than wait for them to come after 1999 anyway, but without training in our way of understanding the law." Beijing's political influence in Macau has always been significant. Local Chinese business, labour and kai fong (neighbourhood) associations with close ties to Beijing have secure control over the Portuguese Governor's Consultative Council and the Legislative Assembly, which has had a minority of directly elected seats since 1976. With economic prosperity in recent years, Macau society is better educated, richer and more pluralistic. In 1988 Alexandre Ho's liberals won three out of six of the elected seats in the assembly for the first lime. In May and June 1989, an estimated 100,000 Macau people demonstrated in support of the Tianamen Square student movement in Beijing, proportionately as many as marched in the streets of Hong Kong. However, in the March 1991 interim elections, traditional pro-Beijing forces showed their tenacity by winning both of two contested seats. Macau democracy activists worry that expanding the number of directly elected seats in the legislature - indirectly elected and appointed deputies have the majority - will not bolster Macau's defenses against China, at least in the short run. "If we open up now, we will only have the traditional business community, labour unions and kai fong association parties control everything," predicted Catarina Mok, a Macau journalist. "When the civic education level is a little bit higher, then we should have more directly elected seats. "Without maintaining its political, legal and administrative differences, without a population that sees itself as distinct from other Chinese, people like Catarina Mok fear Macau could soon disappear into the flourishing economy of South China. Indians of Hong Kong: Citizenship After 1997? by Janet A . Rubinoff Toronto As the countdown to 1997 approaches, it is not only the Chinese of Hong Kong who are concerned about their economic and political fate under PRC sovereignty. The nationality issue of ethnic minorities like the Indians of Hong Kong - especially those who hold British Dependent Territory Citizenship (BDTC) passports - is of particular concern. One of the largest non-Chinese communities of Hong Kong are the ethnic Indians who number approximately 20,000. While the majority (15,300) of these remain Indian citizens, a number (4,518) who were bom in the territory or who have lived there for years are BDTC passport holders [1986 Hong Kong Census]. It is the concern of the latter that they will be "stateless" after 1997. As one Indian businessman in Hong Kong described his nationality situation, "Deep down, I am nowhere. My family left Sind, now part of Pakistan, after the partition of India and came to Hong Kong. We are not citizens of India, and our BDTC passports no longer give automatic right of abode in the U.K." The Joint Declaration and Basic Law failed to settle the nationality issue of Hong Kong's minorities. In subsequent Memoranda between the PRC and UK governments, Beijing has asserted only that the Chinese of Hong Kong will be automatically recognized as Chinese citizens in the HK Special Administrative Region. Other ethnic minorities like the Indian community will receive rights of residence only and must apply for Chinese citizenship. On its part, Britain has accepted the BDTC passports merely as travel documents after 1997 that do not confer a right of abode or citizenship in the U.K. As a result, non-Chinese BDTC passport holders feel doubly betrayed. As one Indian researcher, Rup Narayan Das, has concluded in a recent article, "The rights of residence [in Hong Kong] bereft of the status of nationality reduces the position of ethnic minorities to that of aliens living in a foreign land" [The Other Hong Kong Report, 1990: 151]. Indians of Hong Kong, cont'd page 10 UPDATE 9 Indians of Hong Kong, from page 9 The Indian presence in the colony goes back to its founding in 1841 when 2,700 Indian soldiers and four traders accompanied the British landing forces in Hong Kong. As in other parts of the British Empire during the 19th and early 20th centuries, a number of lower echelon civil servants and police were recruited from India. In addition, a number of Indian business families established themselves over the years in Hong Kong and contributed significantly to the economic development of the territory, especially after World War II. Two events in particular stimulated the exodus of Hindu business families to Hong Kong: the partition of India in 1947 and the Communist takeover of China in 1949 when Indian traders left Shanghai and Canton. The composition of the South Asian community of Hong Kong is diverse and reflects the many different cultural groups of the Indian subcontinent. The largest group (roughly 50%), especially within the business community, are of Sindhi origin (from the city of Hyderabad, now part of Pakistan). Some Sindhi families like the now prominent Harilelas arrived in Hong Kong in the early 1930's from Canton or Singapore. The second largest group are the Sikhs who number about 2,000 and are mainly employed in the police and armed forces. Others include the Parsis who were the earliest traders to arrive with the British in the mid- 19th century; the Marwaris, originally from Rajasthan, who fled Burma in the 1960's; the Gujarati and Tamil traders who dominate the diamond market; Goans from the former Portuguese colony in India; and a small number of others. Overall the Indian community represents only 2% of Hong Kong's population, but it has done remarkably well in trade and manufacturing, especially to non-western markets in Africa, South America or the Middle East. According to the Far Eastern Economic Review [April 12, 1990: 44], over 400 Indian firms "account for an estimated 10 % of Hongkong's annual USS75.8 billion in exports." Now the Indian ethnic minorities are faced with an uncertain future, and members of the community have considered a number of options. Most Indians, especially established professionals and businessmen, prefer to remain in Hong Kong though they recognize that this may not be possible after 1997. Many would like an "insurance policy" for immigration just in case. In an optimistic assessment, Hari Harilela, a prominent businessman and leader in the Indian community, said in a speech before the Progressive Association of Indian businessmen on January 8, 1991, that "Unfortunately, many people have come to regard 1997 as a dead end.. ..they see no future here. However, I feel such thinking is mistaken. Far from being the end of the road, 1997 is only a transition point, actually, even a new beginning.... "Rather than concern themselves with political matters, Indians have always tried to concentrate their energies on economic development. In this way, we become an asset to whatever government is in power. It is plain, therefore, to see that we can continue to be of use to the economic continuity of Hong Kong, come 1997 and a long time thereafter." With this in mind, some Indian businessmen have adopted a "wait and see" attitude. Some have opted for closer ties with China and have invested more heavily in factories in Guangdong where labour is cheaper. Others, however, have considered the option of emigration. In some cases parents, who retain their businesses or careers in Hong Kong, have sent their children abroad to be educated and to provide alternative employment - citizenship options. As one businessman in Hong Kong explained, the implications of this emigration of the younger generation have important repercussions on the joint Indian business family. Many Indian firms in Hong Kong are entirely family owned, like the Harilela enterprises. The loss of young adults and their dispersal in various western countries poses some threat to the strength, flexibility and continuity of these family firms and the unique family- dominated business culture of the Indian community. One approach of the Indian BDTC passport holders has been to pressure the UK Government for recognition of rights of abode or full citizenship. They have felt betrayed and abandoned by the British position, with its "undertone of racial discrimination," on immigration from Hong Kong and the recent Nationality Act [The Other Hong Kong Report, 1990: 153]. The latter is perceived to be a program mainly for the Chinese of Hong Kong. The preferred destination for many is Singapore or other cities of Southeast Asia - partly for the similarity of climate and life style and mainly for the favourable markets and tax laws comparable to Hong Kong. For many of the less wealthy who retain Indian citizenship, the only option may be to return to their country of origin. However, in the case of ethnic Indians with BDTC passports, New Delhi has claimed they are the responsibility of the UK government as British overseas citizens. What India would do after 1997 to accept refugees from Hong Kong of Indian origin is an open question. Because of differences in standards of living, tax structures and business environment in India, many, if qualified, prefer to migrate to western countries, including Canada, the U.S. and Australia. The Goans have a unique alternative to their BDTC passports; as natives of a former Portuguese colony, they may still apply for Portuguese citizenship which allows them after 1992 rights of abode anywhere in the European Community including the U.K. - a right that other Hong Kong Indians or Chinese do not have. Because it is perceived to have a fairer and more open visa process and a stable government, Canada is high on the list of preferred destinations. I interviewed several Indian professionals and businessmen who have recently immigrated to Toronto from Hong Kong. Several have entered under the retired class and have tried to re-establish their businesses or professional careers in Canada. They have found this difficult because of the recession and Canadian restrictions on job experience and foreign qualifications. Canada was attractive because of its high standard of living and educational opportunities for their children. One individual mentioned that it was not so much fear of the Chinese that had caused him to immigrate but for better opportunities here for his children. He was concerned about the possibility of discrimination against ethnic minorities by the Chinese government. Though many of the community had opted to remain in Hong Kong, one informant felt that if the business climate deteriorated after 1997, "most Indians would leave as there would be no future for them there." 10 UPDATE For this issue of the Update, our research assistants in Toronto and Vancouver have compiled a list of organizations within the Chinese and Hong Kong immigrant communities in Canada which are concerned with a variety of issues - social, cultural, political, economic - as well as with promoting ties between Canada and Hong Kong. We have only included a partial list here and will continue with others in the Fall issue of the Update. We have also included several pictures of Chinese areas of Vancouver and Toronto. Chinese-Canadian Associations in Vancouver by Hugh Xiaobing Tan Vancouver United Chinese Community Enrichment Services Society (SUCCESS) Founded in 1973, SUCCESS is a non- profit social service agency to assist Chinese Canadians in overcoming language and cultural barriers so that they can more successfully participate in Canadian society. Its purpose is to serve as a "bridge" between the two cultures and traditions. SUCCESS provides services in five areas: family and youth counselling, settlement and public education, group and community development, employment services, and resource development. From its inception, clients have mainly been from Hong Kong; however, especially after 1989, its services to immigrants from mainland China and Taiwan have considerably increased In 1990, the society provided over 1 10,000 service contacts for 60,000 people, and this demand is expected to increase during 1991. Most of its clientele are between 20 and 40 years old. Now in its 18th year of operation, the organization is well known to the general public. Its executive administrators, Maggie Ip and Lilian To, are often featured in the local Chinese newspapers. SUCCESS employs 40 full-time and 35 part-time people as well as 1,000 volunteers. Having begun with only one office on Hastings Street, the organization is now located in the centre of Chinatown and occupies the entire second floor of the Beijing Building. Subsidiary offices are located in the South Vancouver area, Richmond and Burnaby. Chinese Cultural Centre (CCC) The CCC mainly deals with cultural matters. Its objectives include the interpretation of China and its people to Canadians, the interchange of Canadian and Chinese cultural traditions, collaboration with other local organizations in sponsoring international artistic and cultural programs, and the promotion of better understanding and friendship between the Chinese community and other communities and ethnic groups. The idea for a Chinese cultural centre emerged from discussions at a conference in 1973 held at the Wong's Benevolent Association in Chinatown. At the time delegates from Chinese community organizations formed a 21-member Cultural Centre Building Committee to set up an independent entity to promote cultural events. First registered in 1974, the CCC sponsors a number of cultural as well as training programs. One of the main events is the annual Spring Festival Celebration. The CCC also invites well known anists and performance groups from the PRC and Hong Kong to come to Canada. Its cultural classes include Chinese calligraphy, painting, Tai chi, martial arts, dancing and Chinese language training. A permanent building for the CCC was completed in September 1980. The China Gate, which once stood at the entrance to the Chinese pavilion at the 1986 Expo site, was moved in 1988 to the main entrance of the CCC building. Plans are now underway to construct a S2 million museum/library complex in the Suzhou Garden style, and a funding campaign has begun to solicit donations. At present, the organization employs 16 full time administrative staff plus about 40 program training teachers. Membership in the Centre has reached over 1,300. A new office has been opened in Richmond where many Chinese immigrants have recently settled. Gate to the Chinese Cultural Centre The Chinese Benevolent Association (CBA) The CBA was founded in Victoria, B.C. in 1906 and is one of the oldest Chinese Canadian organizations. It moved to Vancouver during the 1930's when the concentration of Chinese increased in that city. At that time, the primary focus of the association was to provide needy Chinese immigrants with charity and relief funds. In 1979, internal political dissension led to the splitting of the membership and the formation of another organization with a similar name, the Chinese Benevolent Association of Canada (see below). Those who remained in the CBA still use the original name. Today the CBA is an umbrella organization which has 48 group members, including SUCCESS, the CCC and other major organizations in Chinatown. Individual membership is difficult to determine since the fee is only SI per person and there are a variety of ways to become a member. The president of the association estimates about 10,000. Distinct from the service and cultural organizations, the CBA is mainly concerned with social and political issues within the Chinese Canadian community. It is one of the organizations which initiated the recent Chinese Canadian National Conference that was held in Toronto, May 1991. One of the major topics discussed at this conference was the head tax and redress issue. In addition to its political concerns, the CBA also sponsors local social activities such as the Chinese Spring Festival parade, celebrations of the national days of Canada and the People's Republic of China, and memorial ceremonies in the spring and autumn. Chinese Benevolent Association of Canada (CBAC) After splitting from the CBA in 1979, the CBAC has a group membership of 1 1 and an individual membership of 600, most of whom have immigrated from Taiwan. It is not only a Vancouver-based organization but also the headquarters of CBAC branches across Canada. Each year delegates from different provinces come together to hold general meetings. The CBAC mainly concentrates on social activities, entertainment and education. It sponsors both a Chinese music and a Tai Chi Vancouver Associations, cont'd page 12 UPDATE 11 Associations, from page 1 1 group. It also provides financial support for the Overseas Chinese Public School where students are taught in Mandarin. In addition, the CBAC serves as an arbitrator over minor disputes within the Chinese Canadian community. Recently it invited 14 famous Taiwanese cooks to Vancouver to hold a Food Art Festival, also known as the "Feast of the Chinese New Year." The festival was the first of its kind in Vancouver and aroused considerable interest from the community. In addition to encouraging its young members to visit Taiwan, each year the association sends a delegation to Taiwan for the October 10th celebration. The Vancouver Chinese Freemasons (VCF) Founded in 1888, the VCF is probably the oldest Chinese Canadian organization in this country. Because of the discrimination Chinese faced at the time, the organization provided protection and assistance to the community and negotiated with the government Therefore, 80% of the Chinese immigrants in Vancouver belonged to the VCF. The Vancouver branch is part of the world wide network of Chinese Freemasons. The original revolutionary goal of the Chinese Freemasons was to overturn the Qing Dynasty and restore the Ming. In fact, when Dr. Sun Yat-sen visited Vancouver to promote his revolutionary activities, he was supported by the VCF. In order to publicize its goals, the VCF founded The Chinese Times daily newspaper in 1907. As the oldest Chinese press in continuous publication in Canada, the paper provides valuable information on the history of the Vancouver Chinese community. Today the VCF is still one of the major organizations in Vancouver's Chinatown, with a membership of more than 3,000 people. Its subsidiary association, the Chinese Freemasons Athletic Club, is well known in the community for its variety of sports activities. A recent achievement of the VCF is the completion of the Chinese Freemasons' Senior Building. This 81-unit complex was funded by the government and is very close to Vancouver's Chinatown. Plans are in progress to build similar homes for Chinese senior citizens in Victoria and Kamloops. Wong's Benevolent Association (WBA) The WBA is one of the biggest and oldest clan-charity organizations in Vancouver's Chinatown. It was founded in 191 1. Since the main goal of the WBA is to strengthen connections between the Wong people/clan, anyone with the family name Wong can join. At present it has a total membership of 700 who work in a variety of industries. It has two subsidiary organizations: the Mon Keang School and the Hon Hsing Athletic Group. The former is said to be the only Chinese school run by a clan organization in North America. It recruits students who were bom in Canada and want to learn Chinese. The major activity of the athletic group is the performance of the lion dance and accompanying music and drums. In addition to its cultural activities, the WBA has also recently been concerned with political issues like the head tax and other concerns of the Chinese community. Wong Benevolent Association Chinese Consumers' Association of Vancouver (CCAV) Founded in 1986, the CCAV has now more than 200 members. Its main goal is to serve as negotiator for potential conflicts between consumers and retailers. Its present chairwomen is a recent UBC law graduate who immigrated to Vancouver with her family from Hong Kong eight years ago. Chinese Canadian Associations in Toronto by Irene Tong Toronto The Chinese Cultural Centre of Greater Toronto (CCC) Since the formation of the Steering Committee in the summer of 1988, the CCC has grown to about 130 members. As a non- political, non-religious and non-profit organization, it aims to preserve and promote Chinese culture and heritage as part of multicultural development in Canada. It also provides a focal point for the cultural activities of the Chinese Canadian community. The CCC's activities planned for this year include hosting a pavilion at Caravan 1991, sending teams to the Dragon Boat Race, organizing a concert on Chinese music and hosting a table tennis tournament. Address: 900 Don Mills Road, Unit 3 Toronto, Ontario M3C 1V8 Executive Committee Chairman: Dr. Ming Tak Cheung (416) 445-2808 Toronto Chinese Business Association The Association was founded in 1972 as a non-profit business community group and has now a membership of about 1,100, one- third of which is under a sister organization, the Ontario Chinese Restaurant Association. There has been a shift in membership from consumer and retail businesses to major corporations in the manufacturing sector and professionals. It aims to represent the Toronto Chinese business community in response to legislation and government policies, such as the Occupational Health and Safety Act, the Workers' Compensation Act and the Employment Equity Act. It has also been playing an advisory and participatory role on issues such as the City of Toronto 1991 Official Plan, the street vendor problem and Sunday shopping in Chinatown. In promoting and assisting Canadian Chinese businesses, the Association has established links with the Hong Kong Government, the Hong Kong Trade Development Council and the Hong Kong Tourist Association. Address: P.O. Box 100, Station B 12 UPDATE Toronto, Ontario VIST 2C3 (416) 595-0313 Hong Kong Canada Business Association (HKCBA) The HKCBA was established in 1984 to bring together business people in Canada who are interested in strengthening trade relationships with Hong Kong. It has more than 3,500 members, both corporate and individual, in 1 1 Canadian cities; the Toronto section alone has about 600. As the major objective is to promote bilateral contacts, trade and investment between Canada and Hong Kong, the HKCBA tries to act as an information clearing-house. Both the Association's national newsletter, The Hong Kong Monitor, and the monthly bulletin published by the individual sections inform members of current economic and poliucal developments in Canada and Hong Kong as they affect trade and business relations. In the Toronto Section, monthly workshops and occasional seminars, luncheons and dinner meetings are organized not only as a forum for increasing knowledge through presentations by experts, but also as an opportunity for networking. The Association also tries to represent its members' opinions and concerns to the business community and to governments. Occasional missions to Hong Kong are arranged, often in cooperation with the Hong Kong Trade Development Council. This June, it is taking a major role in Festival Canada 1991 in Hong Kong. Address: 347 Bay Street, Suite 1100 Toronto, Ontario M5H 2R7 President (Toronto Section): James Klotz (416) 366-2642 Chinese Canadian National Council (CCNC) Since its inception in 1979, the CCNC has grown to include 29 local chapters and affiliates across Canada. As the Council was bom of a collective reaction against media reporting with racist overtones, its main objective is to create an environment which fully recognizes and protects the rights of all individuals, particularly those of Chinese Canadians, and their full and equal partici- pation in Canadian society. The realization of this objective is sought through the development of a strong national voice and an effective communications network, by monitoring the media and by fighting stereotyping and institutional racism. To heighten political awareness and partici- pation, it sponsors candidates' meetings, informs the public of important issues, organizes poliucal awareness workshops and writes to various levels of government. In concrete terms, the CCNC has recently undertaken a survey on perceptions of prejudice and racism in Vancouver and Toronto. It hopes to cooperate with governments to eliminate anti-immigrant feelings and to recognize foreign professional accreditation. It is also pushing federal, provincial, and municipal governments to implement mandatory employment equity programs for the benefit of minority groups. Since 1984 the CCNC has been at the forefront of the campaign for redress of the wrongs suffered because of the head tax and the Chinese Exclusion Act. The CCNC also seeks to cultivate in individuals of Chinese descent, a desire to know and to respect their historical and cultural heritage, and to promote mutual understanding between Chinese Canadians and other ethnic, cultural and racial groups in Canada. This is often done through cultural and social activities, such as festivals, fairs and exhibitions. Address: 386 Bathurst St., 2nd Floor Toronto, Ontario M5T 2S6 President (Toronto Chapter): Amy Go (416) 868-1777 Toronto Association For Democracy in China (TADC) Formerly known as the Toronto Committee of Concerned Chinese Canadians Supporting the Democracy Movement in China (formed on May 20, 1989), TADC was incorporated as a non-profit organization in Ontario in April, 1990. It now has about 200 members. Its main objectives are to educate the Canadian public and lobby the government on democracy and human rights issues (e.g. Mohawk rights), and to provide support for non-violent, pro-democracy movements around the world, particularly in China. In 1990 it organized activities on the theme "We will not forget the June 4 Massacre." During the May-June period ("Democracy Month"), a large-scale Concert for Democracy was organized, followed by a drawing contest, an art exhibition and a rally in Toronto. As part of its lobbying effort, TADC wrote to the Secretary of State for External Affairs, Mr. Joe Clark, in support of Canada's suspension of normal relations with China until human rights were respected in Beijing. It also supplied information to the fact-finding mission of the parliamentary delegation on human rights in China. Together with other groups in Toronto, the TADC organized a protest and forum on the Chinese National Day. A joint press conference was held on the International Day for Human Rights on human rights violations in China. TADC continues to work closely with and provide some funding for Chinese students and scholars in Canada who participated in the democracy movement In addition to organizing a series of educational seminars on Chinese politics and culture, it sponsored the first North American Conference of Community-Based Organizations in San Francisco and hosted the second one in Toronto in April this year. (see p. 16) On some occasions, eye-witnesses to the massacre were invited to speak. It will continue to monitor the suppression of dissidents and secret trials taking place in China and to call for the release of poliucal prisoners. Representatives of TADC also attend meetings of other similar organizations as part of its liaison and networking effort It shows concern and support for other groups such as the Tibetan people, the Lithuanian community and South Africans. Address: Suite 407, 253 College Street Toronto, Ontario M5T 1R5 Chairperson: Dick Chan (416) 931-7621 Spadina Chinatown UPDATE 13 Support for Hong Kong in the UK When the Joint Declaration between Britain and China was signed in 1984, the prevailing attitude in London was that duties to Hong Kong had been satisfactorily discharged and that there was little need for disquiet. This perception was reflected in the relatively small number of organizations, MP's or other prominent people who made Hong Kong or safeguards for its people a particular focus of their interests. Since the Peking massacre of June 1989 and the subsequent introduction of the HK Nationality Bill in April 1990, the issue of Hong Kong's future has attracted greater media coverage in the UK. Organizations campaigning for a more open immigration policy and greater democracy in Hong Kong were set up while existing groups increased their activities. In addition, many public figures spoke out on these issues. The level of activity over Hong Kong should not be overstated. Now that the immigration controversy is considered to be settled (see UK Nationality Package, p. 3), there has been a concomitant decline in Hong Kong's media profile. Consequently, there is decreasing public awareness of and interest in Hong Kong. Below are listed the main organizations and notable individuals in Britain involved with Hong Kong issues. Friends of Hong Kong Committee This organization was set up in 1986 in response to uneasiness about the return of Hong Kong to Mainland China in 1997. Highlighting the general British complacency on Hong Kong issues, the Committee in a press release stated, "It is a matter of some pride to reflect that our Committee then and subsequently was almost alone in taking a more sceptical view [of the Joint Declaration]." The main activity of the Committee is the publication of a quarterly release, The Hong Kong Monitor, which provides current information on events in Hong Kong, China and elsewhere. It also sponsors periodic seminars on matters of concern about Hong Kong. Its seminar in July 1989 in response to the Peking massacre attracted considerable publicity and was well attended. A number of distinguished people, including academics, politicians, businessmen and military officers, are members of its Board of Directors. by Harriet Clompus London Address: 301 Radnor House 93 Regent St., London VV1R 7TE The Anglo-Hong Kong Trust Founded in 1988 by two British and two Hong Kong businessmen, the Anglo-Hong Kong Trust aims "to preserve the special relationship existing between Hong Kong and Britain for the last 150 years." It maintains strong links with Hong Kong and expatriate Hong Kong businessmen, and has Councils in both countries. The organization stresses the benefit of economic and cultural ties between Britain, Hong Kong and China and seeks to promote understanding through cultural and educational exchanges as well as through the sponsorship of regular seminars for businessmen and professionals from the three countries. One of its most important projects was the establishment of Hong Kong's first Business School of Management for Executives. The Trust also supports numerous cultural activities like the building of a new opera house in the Midlands and exchange programs that send British musicians to Hong Kong and Hong Kong artists to Britain. Recently in February 1991, the Trust organized a concert of leading young musicians from Hong Kong at the Royal Festival Hall in London. The event was attended by Princess Alexandra and Douglas Hurd, the Foreign Secretary. Address: 58 St James's Street London SW1 Honour Hong Kong This association was organized in 1989 by a group of British businessmen with links to Hong Kong. Its major function is to promote awareness of the Hong Kong predicament and to pressure the British government for a fair and "honourable" immigration policy for the colony. Address: 67-69 Whitfield Street London W1P5RL The Hong Kong Link Hong Kong Link is a London-based lobby group calling for the democratization of Hong Kong and for British passports for all Hong Kong citizens. It was set up in 1989 by Gideon Lung, an Oxford postgraduate student from Hong Kong, after the Peking massacre. In general the British Chinese community has been notably quiet on the issue of passports for Hong Kong citizens. It has been ambivalent towards the prospect of mass immigration from Hong Kong because of the perceived threat that an influx of new Chinese talent would pose to their position in British society [The Times, April 5, 1990: 2]. Hong Kong Link, based within the Chinese community, has challenged the assumption that this was the attitude of all Chinese in Britain. Politicians The Hong Kong Immigration Act was extremely unpopular amongst right wing Tory MP's who viewed it as a relaxation of the tough immigration policy on which they had come to power. In language little short of racist, Conservative MP Tony Marlow registered his disgust at the "government gaily deciding to let another quarter of a million in." The leader of this "anti-Hong Kong group" was Norman Tebbit, former Conservative Party Chairman, who was particularly vociferous in his attacks during the passage of the Act through Parliament. Labour's official policy on Hong Kong has not been very consistent. In January 1990, Gerald Kaufman, shadow foreign secretary, said regarding the immigration issue that a Labour government would allow only a few thousand Hong Kong Indians, war-widows and British intelligence staff to be given British citizenship. However, the party's official policy was to vote for the bill so that it would not be viewed as voting with the Tory right wing. The Liberal Democrats have claimed a special concern for Hong Kong and have stressed the promotion and safeguarding of democracy in the territory before and after 1997. In part this position is due to the commitment of Liberal leader Paddy Ashdown, who was stationed in Hong Kong as an army officer and speaks Cantonese. In a recent letter to The Guardian (April 6, 1991), five Liberal Democrats wrote on the occasion of Douglas Hurd's visit to China, to criticize the Conservative Government's 14 UPDATE "lack of concern over the half-hcaned approach to democracy" that has been allowed to exist in Hong Kong. Support of individual MP's for Hong Kong can also be determined from their list of interests in Dodd's Parliamentary Year Book. These include: Robert J. Ad ley (Conservative, Christchurch) - member of the British Chinese Parliamentary Group. RL Hon. Jack Ashley (Labour, Stoke-on- Trent) - interest in China and Hong Kong. J.W. Bray (Labour, Motherwell S.) - Hong Kong and overseas development. J.R. Couchman (Conservative, Gillingham) -concern with Hong Kong and China. Robert Parry (Labour, Liverpool Riverside) - patron of the UN Association of Hong Kong 1976, Association for Democracy in Hong Kong 1980, Association of the Promotion of Public Justice in Hong Kong, 1984, and founder president of the Hong Kong Peace Association, 1986. Robert E. Sims (Conservative, Christchurch) - former director of Inchcape International, lists Hong Kong as an interest. P. Wall (Labour, Bradford North) - interests in Hong Kong and China. Commentators Bernard Levin, columnist in The Times, has written several articles criticizing the British government's handling of Hong Kong issues, in particular what he sees as the government's conciliatory stance towards Peking. Peter Jenkins, columnist in The Independent, has also been critical of the Hong Kong Immigration Act, which he dubbed "the prejudicial numbers game," and of the British government's lacklustre pursuit of democracy for Hong Kong. John Walden, former Director of Home Affairs in the Hong Kong government, has also been an outspoken critic of the U.K. government's Hong Kong policy. In addition to his book, Excellency, Your Slip is Showing! (1983), he has written several articles on the Immigration Act, which he described in the Times (June 29, 1989) as a "scheme which comes too late and offers too little," on Sino-British relations, and on democratic rights in Hong Kong. Winnipeg Hosts First National Meeting of Chinese Canadians Since 1975 by Stephanie Gould Winnipeg On March 22-24, the Winnipeg Chinese Cultural and Community Centre hosted a symposium on challenges facing the Chinese Community in Canada in the 1990's. Discussion focused on immigrant youth issues ("Asian Gangs/High Achievers in Academic Institutes"), entrepreneur and investor immigrant issues, and the head tax redress question. It was the first national gathering of Chinese Canadians since 1975, when the community met in Vancouver to discuss the federal government's Green Paper on Immigration. According to Dr. Joseph Du, President of the Winnipeg Chinese Cultural and Community Centre, "This conference should have happened a long time ago. The Chinese community in Canada is growing rapidly, with a population of well over 700,000. 1 found a need for the Winnipeg conference several years back, but I didn't get the same level of enthusiasm and government response until last year." Dr. Du believes immigration regulations must be changed to accommodate the realistic needs of immigrants from Hong Kong. He believes the regulation that requires immigrants to stay in Canada six months plus one day in order to qualify for a visa is forcing many immigrants to become "astronauts." "That is ridiculous. That's created a situation in which a lot of people are flying back and forth," says Dr. Du. Many immigrants have difficulty understanding the differences in labour and safety codes and zoning laws. Dr. Du, therefore, believes that immigration regulations should be relaxed to make it possible for investor immigrants to figure out how to set up a viable business before they are required to live here for prolonged periods of time. He recommends that the immigration process should be speeded up "so people who want to come can come. If Canada wants capital investment plus eventually for all these people to come here, then we have to review our policy and maybe make it a bit more appealing." Manitoba is not a favoured destination for investor immigrants from Hong Kong. However, Dr. Du maintains that will change. "I think that people will start moving away from Toronto because of saturation and the housing market. With traffic pollution, noise and security problems, Toronto is gaining a negative image." He would like to see a coordinated effort on the pan of the Manitoba government to encourage investors from Hong Kong to develop industries and create jobs. He hopes that future investment in Manitoba will lead to new, wealthy immigrants from Hong Kong creating jobs to help poorer Indochinese refugees. He would also like to see the Manitoba government spend money on outreach programs for immigrants. He believes education and social activities are important in the assimilation and settling of immigrants to Canada. The "head tax" issue and redress are important to the Winnipeg Chinese community, and there are diverse opinions on the issue. "Some younger groups are a little bit more militant to say the least," says Dr. Du. Recently, the Chinese Canadian National Council, Winnipeg Chapter, issued the following statement: "As Canadians, we recognize that our society can only be as sirong as our weakest link and that discrimination directed against any one group is an injustice to all." According to Dr. Du, "The new Hong Kong immigrants couldn't care less because they don't know Canadian history anyway. So the head tax and exclusion act are pretty foreign to them. And the boat people also don't feel very strongly because they don't know very much about it It's the older organizations such as the Chinese Benevolent Association, Chinese Freemason Society and some of the immigrants that came here in the 1960's and 1970's that care." In 1984 a group of senior citizens in Winnipeg asked Dr. Du to speak on their behalf. "In fact, they turned in all their head tax certificates to me. We have over thirty pieces of original paper. Whether these are to be used for redress or put in an archive in the Chinese Cultural Centre will remain to be seen," said Dr. Du. At the conclusion of the Winnipeg conference, the Chinese community decided that demands for redress should not put too much emphasis on dollars and cents because Canada is in a recession and many Canadians Winnipeg Meeting, cont'd, page 16 UPDATE 15 Winnipeg Meeting, from page 15 are losing their jobs. "We decided to ask for something more reasonable and acceptable to the Canadian public. Redress could be an apology, a guarantee that it won't happen again, the rewriting of Canadian history books in schools so that future generations will know about the head tax and exclusion act, or symbolic compensation," Dr. Du suggested. An expanded Chinese Canadian National Conference was held on May 18-19 at the downtown Holiday Inn in Toronto. The agenda was similar to that of the Winnipeg conference but included discussion on the Canadian constitution and the Chinese community's increased participation in Canadian politics. Two Project Workshops in June Director Lectures on Hong Kong Diana Lary recently gave two lectures in England on issues related to Hong Kong. The first, on the internationalization of Hong Kong, was at Chatham House (Royal Institute of International Affairs) on April 25. The second, on emigration from Hong Kong, was part of a conference on a Commonwealth issues research network held at Cumberland Lodge, Windsor Great Park from April 26-28. The second and third workshops for the Canada and Hong Kong Project are to be held in June. One workshop, "Dialogue on Hong Kong: Coverage of Hong Kong issues in the Canadian media," will take place in Vancouver at Simon Eraser University Harbour Centre on Saturday, June 15. This session will include over thirty invited participants from the English and Chinese media in Vancouver and Toronto as well as academics, members of the federal and provincial governments, free lance journalists, members of the Vancouver and Toronto police, and other specialists on Hong Kong/Canada relations. Four sessions at the meeting will cover the topics of Hong Kong investment and trade in Canada, the impact of immigration, political issues such as civil rights, and special issues in media coverage, including the role of the Chinese-language press and ethical issues in press reporting. The workshop is jointly sponsored by the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada and the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies. Another workshop focusing on international law, "Canada - Hong Kong: Some Legal Considerations," will be held at the University of Hong Kong on June 26 in conjunction with "Festival Canada 1991." (see p.2) This workshop is jointly organized by the Faculty of Law, University of Hong Kong and the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies. Its convenor is Prof. William Angus of Osgoode Hall, York University. Five papers will cover the following topics: "Hong Kong's International Personality - Issues and Implications," by Dr. Roda Mushkat, Faculty of Law, Hong Kong University; "Coming and Going under Immigration and Refugee Law," by Prof. W. Angus; "Civil Proceedings Arrangements between Hong Kong and Canada: Service of Documents, Taking of Evidence and Enforcement of Judgments," by Prof. Maurice Copithome of the University of British Columbia and former Commissioner for Canada in Hong Kong; "Extradition Between Hong Kong and Canada," by Janice Brabyn, Faculty of Law, University of Hong Kong; and "Personal and Corporate Status in Hong Kong," by Philip Smart, Faculty of Law, University of Hong Kong. The papers will be published by the Project in the fall. Lu Ping: Assurances on Hong Kong's Future In an address to the Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce on March 8th, Lu Ping, director of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office of the State Council, reassured business people about the secure future of Hong Kong as a stable and prosperous financial and trade centre. He also promised a great future for Hong Kong as a "bridge, channel and window" between China and the rest of the world (Hong Kong Digest, March 15th, 1991). Conference on Human Rights and Democracy in China The second North American Community Based Organizations conference on human rights and democracy in China was held on April 6-7 at the University of Toronto. The conference was organized by the North American Coalition for Chinese Democracy and was opened by the mayor of Toronto, Art Eggleton. The keynote speaker was the Honourable Bob Rae, premier of Ontario. Ed Broadbent, the president of the International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development in Montreal, spoke on the Fifth Modernization in China - the introduction of democracy. Gordon Cressy, Vice-President, University of Toronto, spoke on behalf of the university. Duo Duo, poet in residence at York University, gave a poetry reading. The Coalition presented Human Rights awards to Tania Chen, an activist in New York, to Felice Gaer, of the International League for Human Rights, and, in absentia, to Ren Wanding, who is in prison in China. Citations were presented to the Toronto City Council, Amnesty International and Asia Watch. Three hundred delegates attended the conference, ninety of them from outside Toronto: there were delegates from the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and Hong Kong. A resolution advocating human rights and democracy was passed at the end of the meeting. A connection was made by a number of speakers between the future human rights situation in Hong Kong and that in China as a whole. Szcto Wah, of the Hong Kong Alliance, called for people from Hong Kong living abroad to keep up the pressure for change in China. He stressed how crucial this would be for Hong Kong in the future. Ching Cheong, the chief editor of Contemporary News, Hong Kong, talked about the "demonstration effect" of human rights activity in Hong Kong for the future of China. He encouraged emigrants to keep in touch with what is going on in Hong Kong and to work for human rights there. He saw a pattern of human rights advocacy moving from Chinese abroad to Hong Kong, then on to Guangdong and finally to the rest of China. 7f CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Number 5 The first of two festivals celebrating the Canada/Hong Kong relationship was held this year. During his visit to Canada in May, 1990, the governor of Hong Kong, Sir David Wilson, and Prime Minister Brian Mulroney agreed to hold reciprocal festivals. Festival Canada was held in Hong Kong in May and June. 1991: Festival Hong Kong will be held in Canada next year. Festival Canada '91 was composed of a large number of events coordinated b\ the Canadian Commission: the chairman of the Board of Festival Canada was John Higginbotham. the Commissioner for Canada. There was active involvement in planning the Festival from provincial offices in Hong Kong, community asso- ciations, 15 alumni associations of Canadian universities and 20 corpora- tions. Funding for the Festival was largely through private sponsorship: the Canadian Government provided 20% of the total. Much of the Festival w as made up of formal events, but there were also con- tinuing activities which ran throughout the two weeks of the Festival and gave prominence to Canada in many parts of Hong Kong. FESTIVAL CANADA '91 Festival Events MAY 22nd-26th The visit of Prime Minister Mulroney to Hong Kong, to launch the Festival. (See Update, 4. Spring 1991.) JUNE 19th The official opening of the heart of Festival Canada took place at a luncheon organized by the Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong. The speakers were John Higginbotham. Commissioner for Canada, and the Governor of Hong Kong, Sir David Wilson. Both speakers referred to the overall theme of the Festival. Canada and Hong Kong: Friends Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow. Sir David spoke of the "cele- bration of a very healthy relationship", and the "demonstration of ties that bind." (see his Speech, p. 3) JUNE 20th The Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada held a symposium on An Enduring Partnership, Planning the Co-prosperity of Canada and Hong Kong. The day-long series of panels looked at the economic interrelationships between Canada and Hong Kong. It was coordinated by Yao Wei. Asia Pacific Foundation, Vancouver. The Honourable David Lam. Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia, spoke at the FESTIVAL CANADAO FALL 1991 firj * * In / I CANADA AND HONG KONG / riendt Yesterday, Today at luncheon. His theme was that the grow- ing relationship between Canada and Hong Kong was a win- win situation, and that the relationship. it carefully nurtured, would bring great benefit to both sides. Victor Li. senior vice-president of Concord Pacific Holdings, spoke of the bene- fits of investment in Canada for various types of Hong Kong investors. JUNE 20th A Gala Fashion Show featured styles by a number of Canadian designers, including Alfred Sung, a native of Hong Kong. About three hundred people were at the show and the dinner which preceded it. JUNE21st-22nd A three day conference on the Hong Kong Bill of Rights Conference was organized by the Faculty of Law. University of Hong Kong. The Canadian Government was one of the conference sponsors and arranged the \ isits of a number of Canadian legal experts. The Canadian contributors were Madam Festival Canada cont'i page 2 IN THIS ISSUE: Festival Canada '91 1 Hong Kong Festival in Canada '92 2 Sir David Wilson's Speech 3 Comments by John Higginbotham 3 per F1029.5 H6 C36 Reporting Crime Statistics 4 Controversy o\er Dim Sum Diaries 5 Regional Variations 6 Hong Kong Students in Ontario 7 Hong Kong's New Manufacturing Base 8 Japan & Hong Kong Trade 9 PADS Agreement I Hong Kong Elections 12 Emigration from Hong Kong 12 Choosing to Stay Behind 12 Associations 14 Conferences IS Justice Bertha Wilson (former judge of the Court of Appeal, Supreme Court), the Hon. Mr. Justice Walter Tamopolsky (Ontario Supreme Court of Appeal), Professor Rosemary Cairns Way (University of Ottawa) and Chief Superintendent Patrick Cummins (RCMP, Vancouver). They spoke on various aspects of the implementation of the Charter of Rights in Canada, and the lessons there might be for Hong Kong. (See Rights Conference, p. 18.) JUNE 22nd The Colourful Canada Ball was arranged by the Canadian Chamber of Commerce. It was attended by about 400 people. JUNE 25 th A seminar on Legal Issues between Canada and Hong Kong was put on by the Canada and Hong Kong Project and the Faculty of Law, University of Hong Kong. (See Legal Workshop, p. 19) JUNE 30th The Celebrate Canada Picnic was held at Happy Valley Racecourse. The event was widely advertised, and anyone who wanted to celebrate Canada was invited. About 28,000 people came. JULY 1st The last event of the Festival was the dedica- tion of a totem pole (p. 1), carved by Tahltan-Tlingit artists Dale and Terry Campbell, in Kowloon Park, as an enduring symbol of the Festival. The pole had been presented by Prime Minister Mulroney on May 24th to Sir David Wilson. The dedica- tion involved a Tshimishan ceremony, attended by First Nauon representatives in traditional costume. Cultural Events The Festival included a number of cul- tural events spread out through the Festival. There was a cinema festival of ten Canadian films. Bethune, the Making of a Hero, a PRC/Canadian co-production, had its Hong Kong premiere. There were performances by Les Grands Ballets Canadiens, by cel- list Ofra Harnoy, by dancer Margie Gillis, and by pianist Jean-Paul Sevilla. Huang Zhongyang's pictures, exhibited at the Cultural Centre, caused considerable interest with their novel combination of Chinese and Western themes. Some of the most striking paintings are based on Western paintings, transposed to a Chinese setting. The Last Supper is a variant of Leonardo's work, but with Christ and the Disciples Chinese and a portrait of Mao Zedong on the wall behind them. Butterfly in a Dream is a female nude painted from the rear, gazing at a picture of Chairman Mao. Huang immigrated to Canada from Guangdong in 1984. There were also exhibitions of paintings by Karen Kulyk and of pottery by Laura Wee Lay Laq. Many prominent Canadians were in town for the Festival. The Honourable David Lam, Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia, was widely interviewed. Art Eggleton, the mayor of Toronto, attended a number of events. Miss Canada, Leslie McLaren, was in Hong Kong for much of the Festival and christened a new Canadian Airlines International aircraft. Business Meetings Several business organizations held meetings to coincide with the Festival. The All Asia Canadian Business Association held its annual meeting, as did the Hong Kong Canada Business Association. The government of British Columbia mounted a British Columbia Film Industry Seminar. Chinese Canadian mounties Hong Kong Festival in Canada '92 As a counterpart to the recent Canada Festival in Hong Kong, a reciprocal event is now being planned to take place in cities across Canada for the fall of 1992. In addi- tion to the Hong Kong Government and the Urban and Regional Councils, a number of associations are involved in the organization of events. They include the Hong Kong Trade Development Council, the HK Tourist Association, the Hong Kong-Canada Business Association, and other major orga- nizations in Hong Kong and Canada as well as local community leaders of the Chinese- Canadian community. Like Festival Canada, the Hong Kong Festival will feature a wide range of cultural, sporting, social and business events with the objective of promoting better integration of the Hong Kong Chinese into Canadian com- munities. According to James So, Hong Kong Secretary for Recreation and Culture, the theme of the festival will be "Hong Kong and Canada: Friends Across the Ocean." Major highlights will include trade and busi- ness promotion, cultural performances, food festivals, films shows, exhibitions related to Hong Kong and recreation and sports events. It is also proposed to celebrate the Lantern Festival which falls within this time period. In addition, cultural galas will be organized to raise funds for local Canadian charities. The festival will occur in a number of cities with the main events in Toronto and Vancouver. The Canada and Hong Kong Project is involved in planning events for Toronto. One proposed activity is a continuation of the Legal Issues Workshop held last June in Hong Kong (see p. 19). Topics may include a com- parison of the Canadian Charter with the new Hong Kong Bill of Rights. 2 UPDATE "Last month the Prime Minister of Canada came to Hong Kong as a very wel- come guest. He launched Festival Canada '91. The finishing touches have now been made. The entertainers have arrived. The exhibitions have been set up. The heart of the festival is about to begin. Festival Canada is a celebration of a very healthy relationship. It is a demonstration of the common interests which bind our two communities together. It is also an enter- tainment, bringing to Hong Kong examples of Canada's heritage, its culture and the way Canadians enjoy themselves. I am very pleased that Hong Kong is hosting an important festival of celebration with such a friend as Canada. Hong Kong has much to celebrate. It also has need of friends. We face a number of challenges. It is good to enjoy what is going right, while tackling what still needs to be put right. The contrast between some of the more alarmist news stories about Hong Kong and what is actually happening here may strike visitors from Canada more forcibly than those of us who live in this unique territory. But we too can sometimes lose sight of the broader picture. We are sometimes prone to being too obsessed with whatever is our immediate problem. We need to remind ourselves from time to time about the broader picture. Part of this larger picture is that Hong Kong is not just a place with problems. Every place in the world has that in one way or another. Hong Kong is a place which demonstrated success - visible suc- cess. Success against the odds. Not every- where can say that. In a sense, Hong Kong's success is the reason why most people are here - Chinese from the Mainland who themselves or their families before them came to find a new life, or westerners attracted by the vibrancy Sir David Wilson's Speech Opening of Festival Canada '91 of Hong Kong's unique blend of cast and west. That success has meant for the people of Hong Kong a real growth in incomes. This growth has averaged over 3% a year for the past 15 years. It has meant new housing, schools, hospitals, parks, museums and the amenities of modem life. And it has meant the transformation of this city from a manufacturer of cheap products to a finan- cial, business, transport and telecommunica- tions centre serving the region and the world. Success has also meant a rapid growth in Hong Kong's commercial and trading links. We have played an important part in the tremendous growth of trans-Pacific trade. And we have made a substantial contribu- tion to the development of southern China's economy. Some of you will be familiar with the statistics. But they are worth repeating. About two million workers in Guangdong Province are employed by Hong Kong enterprises, over twice the size of our own manufacturing workforce; and about 70% of overseas investment in China derives from Hong Kong. What is less well known is just how successful this process has been. The value of exports from Guangdong Province grew by over 40% last year alone. The com- bined talents of Guangdong and Hong Kong is proving a powerful combination. The potential is tremendous. With southern China growing fast Hong Kong will have a major role to play for many years to come as the gateway to this area of rapid econom- ic development. No wonder the Canadian community here is large - as many as 35,000 people - and that Canadian investment in Hong Kong and southern China is growing. Canadian businessmen can see the potential. They see that, whatever the immediate political concerns may be, the opportunities are there too; and the long-term prospects for economic growth are at least as good in Hong Kong as anywhere in the world. We welcome this Canadian involvement. And we welcome the very practical interest which Canada has taken in Hong Kong. The Prime Minister of Canada's visit to Hong Kong last month was a most welcome demonstration of that interest. In his speech- es here and in his meetings with me, he left a strong impression of the goodwill towards Hong Kong that exists in Canada and of Canada's conviction of the value to the international community of Hong Kong's continued success. We treasure this goodwill. We recipro- cate the feelings of friendship. And we look forward to showing Canadians more about Hong Kong next year. Some of you who are visiting from Canada are already involved in the planning for the Hong Kong Festival which will take place in cities across Canada in the autumn of 1992. That will be our opportunity to give pleasure and enjoy- ment in return; our chance to demonstrate how much Hong Kong has to offer. But this year it is Canada's turn. I con- gratulate the organizers of Festival Canada on putting together such an impressive range of entertainment It represents a great deal of effort, imagination and financial support. It is a demonstration of the way the Canadian community and Canadian busi- nesses are so ready to participate in Hong Kong life. And it says much for the dedica- tion and efficiency of the Commission for Canada which has pulled together these many contributions to such good effect. I wish Festival Canada a successful cele- bration of its central theme "Canada and Hong Kong: friends yesterday, today and tomorrow." Comments by John Higginbotham Commissioner for Canada Festival Canada Picnic, June 30, 1991 "I'm happy to welcome you here today as we highlight what I believe is one of the most exciting and multifarious events of Festival Canada '91 - the Festival Canada Picnic. If I were to search for any single word that might sum up the "why" and "what" of the more than 60 wide-ranging events, dis- plays, activities and exhibitions that make up Festival Canada '91, that word would simply be "People." Based on the theme "Canada and Hong Kong; Friends Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow," Festival Canada is a vibrant and wholehearted celebration of the grow- ing cultural, trade and personal ties that bind the people of Canada and the people of Hong Kong. The idea for Festival Canada '91 origi- John Higginbotham con't page 4 UPDATE 3 John Higginbotham. from page 3 nated when two people, Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and the Governor, Sir David Wilson, agreed that the very special relationship between Canada and Hong Kong is something worth celebrating, first with a festival in Hong Kong in 1991, and then with reciprocal festivals in cities across Canada in 1992. The reality of Festival Canada '91 came about through the planning and organising and hours of labour of hundreds of people, members of the Canadian community in Hong Kong, who worked diligently to pro- duce a Festival that brings the culture and lifestyle and very best of Canada to the heart of the territory. That reality is a Festival that all the peo- ple of Hong Kong, no matter what their age or interest, can join in and be part of. And nowhere is that people-to-people, comunity-to-community joining more evi- dent that in the Festival Canada Picnic. The biggest single event of Festival Canada '91, the day-long Picnic, features John Higginbotham live entertainment, local celebrities, lucky draws, games, spoils, displays, activities for children and, of course, hearty Canadian picnic fare like the Pancake Breakfast, Western Barbecue, and delectable selec- tions at the Provincial Food Tents. In short, Canada is throwing the biggest party ever for Hong Kong and it guarantees fun for every member of the family, with everything from arts and crafts, clowns and street theatre, art in the park, hot air balloon rides, and a variety of games booths with proceeds going to charity. The Festival Canada Picnic is the climax of Festival Canada '91, which was officially launched by Prime Minister Mulroney and Sir David on May 24 during Mr. Mulroney's visit to Hong Kong. The seed of their idea and the caring of many people, working individually and through organisations such as the Canadian Club, the Canadian Chamber of Commerce, the Chinese Canadian Association, and the Canadian University Association, has grown into a wonderful celebration for all of us to enjoy. The Festival Canada Picnic is a colourful crown for that celebration and a thoroughly entertaining day for people everywhere." Reporting Crime Statistics The question of whether or not crime statistics in Toronto should be kept on the basis of ethnic origin has caused a major disagreement within the Chinese Canadian community. Sergeant Benjamin Eng, a member of the public affairs department of the Metro Police, told the Toronto Crime Enquiry on July 24th that two-thirds of offenses com- mitted in Toronto in 1990 by people of Asian origin were perpetrated by refugees from Vietnam and China. (The number of crimes was 3,000, out of a total of 273,706 offenses committed in Toronto in 1990; in 1 ,500 cases those charged were Vietnamese refugees, in 500 cases PRC refugees). He called for a tightening of the refugee deter- mination procedures, so that "phoney refugees" could not abuse the system. The PRC is currently the largest single source of refugee claimants in Canada. Eng was taken to task by Susan Eng (no relation), head of the Metro Toronto Police Services Board, for "wilful and direct con- travention" of the police policy that no crime statistics should be compiled or pub- lished on the basis of ethnic origin. Though Sergeant Eng gave his views as a private citizen, he was given a formal reprimand by police authorities. The reprimand will stay in his file for two years. Reaction to the statements of the two Engs from the Chinese and Vietnamese communities was mixed. Some spokesmen, including representatives of the Vietnamese Association and the Chinese National Council, condemned Benjamin Eng and accused him of spreading a negative picture of Asian communities in Canada. Others commended him for speaking out about an issue which concerns many Asian Canadians. Those who commended him included many of the professional and busi- ness groups and the Eng Clan organization. On August 13th, a group of representatives of business and professional Chinese Canadian organizations presented a motion to the Police Services Board asking that the policy on crime statistics kept by ethnic ori- gin be reviewed. They were supported by Chief of Police William McCormack. Six days later, another group of representatives of the Chinese community held a news con- ference to oppose keeping crime statistics by ethnic origin, on the grounds that it would not be helpful in combatting crime and that it might foster racism. On August 23rd, the Police Services Board decided not to change its current policy. Benjamin Eng's concern for precision about the immigration status of criminals of Asian origin stems from the wide-spread coverage given recently to "Asian crime," which tends to lump all people of Asian ori- gin together, whether they are native-born Canadians or immigrants from China, Hong Kong, Vietnam or Southeast Asia. This cov- erage can be inflammatory, as evident in the March 25, 1991 issue of Maclean s maga- zine whose cover in red and gold had 'TER- ROR IN THE STREETS' emblazoned across it in 1 V 2 inch letters and a posed pic- ture of a young Asian man holding a gun. Eng spoke at length on this subject at the media workshop run in Vancouver by the Canada and Hong Kong Project, in conjunc- tion with the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada. The transcript from the workshop will be available soon and can be purchased from the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies. 4 UPDATE Controversy Over "Dim Sum Diaries" "Dim Sum Diaries" is a radio series pro- duced by the CBC Vancouver Station. Each of its five parts - "Foreign Accents," "Perfect Class," "Mah Jong," "The Sequoias" and "Dim Sum" - is about 15 minutes long when broadcast The series is about local attitudes towards recent Hong Kong immigrants and was meant to expose racist views and stereotypes. The most con- troversial part, "The Sequoias," was based on an actual incident which took place on Vancouver's Westside when a Chinese- Canadian cut down two one-hundred-year old sequoia trees. The series, except for "The Sequoias," was first broadcast in February 1991 on national CBC radio. In March and April the whole series was aired in the Vancouver area on five Saturday mornings. The first negative response to the radio- play came from Vancouver Sun columnist, Nicole Parton. Her article on April 22nd drew public attention to the program and declared that the play was a "racist dia- tribe." Leaders of the local Chinese commu- nity sent complaints and letters of protest to CBC. Bill Yee, president of the Chinese Benevolent Association, declared, "I think it is the worst kind of stereotyping I have heard in a long time." SUCCESS (United Chinese Community Enrichment Services Society) president, Maggie Ip, wrote a letter to CBC's director of radio, Robert Sunter, arguing that the play had promoted ethnic stereotyping and reinforced racial hatred. She quoted abstracts from "Dim Sum Diaries" to sup- port her view. Such comments as "this Hong Kong voodoo thing," which refers to Fengshui, is an attack on some aspects of Chinese culture and traditioa She maintains that a quote from "The Sequoias" - "at that moment I just wanted to take that chain saw and go up to Chang's white Jaguar and cut the car in two, and it would have been better still if I had done it when Chang was inside" - is an inspiration to violence and racial hatred. Finally, "he likes Chinese women so much; he says we know how to please a man" is a comparison of Chinese immigrant women to stereotypes like Suzy Wong. Besides such complaints from leaders of major Chinese-Canadian organizations, by Hugh Xiaobing Tan Vancouver some politicians elected from the ethnic community also expressed their criticism of the play. In response to such criticisms, the author of the series, Mark Leiren-Young, defended his work in an interview with a Vancouver Sun reporter. He declared his intention was to promote better understanding between different communities and not the reverse. It was very upsetting for him to be charged with intentionally perpetuating negative stereotypes of Chinese-Canadians. He emphasized that "Dim Sum Diaries" is not five separate plays but five scenes in one work, culminating with "Dim Sum." His final episode concludes with the message that everyone can overcome cultural differ- ences and live together. While Leiren-Young defended his play, CBC attempted to ease the anger of the Chinese community. Robert Sunter read a public statement to a meeting of the Chinese Benevolent Association on May 5th. He said the intention of broadcasting the play was to "bring to the surface issues and atti- tudes concerning the Chinese community," but now they realized "the series has offended some Canadians of Chinese ori- gin." He offered his apology and expressed regret that CBC's effort to build bridges between communities had been so pro- foundly misunderstood. Sunter's apology, however, was consid- ered unacceptable by Chinese-Canadian leaders. Lilian To, executive director of SUCCESS, said, "The feeling is that it [the statement] is not an acknowledgment that the programs were undesirable." Maggie Ip declared, "We are not questioning their intentions; very often, we do have good intentions but the effect may come out very, very different." In order to put more pres- sure on CBC, more letters of complaint were written to the prime minister, all mem- bers of Parliament, CBC National Headquarters and the Canadian Radio- Television and Telecommunications Commissioa A protest petition was also circulated among the ethnic Chinese com- munity, indicating the undersigned "strong- ly protest the broadcasting of the Dim Sum Diaries by CBC which provokes racist vio- lence to and hatred of the Chinese commu- nity in Canada." More than 1,000 signatures were collected on the petition. At the same time, Vancouver East MP Margaret Mitchell complained to both the CRTC and the Canadian Race Relations Foundation that the radio-play reinforced negative atti- tudes among listeners. The issue was also brought to the National Congress of Chinese Canadians, held in Toronto in mid-May. A resolution on the matter was passed: 1) CBC should not repeat such a mistake in the future; 2) CBC should apologize openly in major newspapers and in CBC radio broadcasting; 3) CBC should report and explain the whole event to CRTC; and 4) CBC should produce another series emphasizing the positive images of Chinese-Canadians. SUCCESS is now negotiating with CBC to implement this resolution, and a final agreement is expected by the end of October. While the majority of Chinese- Canadians opposed the radio play, there were also some who disagreed with their indictment. Mr. Xu Xin, a well-known jour- nalist who immigrated from Hong Kong, wrote an article for the World Journal Weekly, the popular newspaper distributed free in the Chinatown area. Entitled "Is it Racism or Overdefensiveness?", the article defended the CBC broadcast and mentioned that the author had carefully read the tran- script of Dim Sum Diaries and translated it into Chinese. He declared that he could find nothing that could be labelled "racism" Instead, he found only some conflicts between different cultures and values, which he considered quite normal for a society like Canada. He wrote these con- flicts should be solved with the passage of time and by better communication between communities. Regarding the abstracts alleged to reinforce racial hatred, the writer pointed out that literature is not a documen- tary report and allows some exaggeration. The whole issue surrounding Dim Sum Diaries has yet to be settled. However, the controversy aroused by the event has pro- vided much food for thought for the public and policy-makers concerning the issue of properly building a multicultural society. UPDATE 5 Regional Variations in Hong Kong Immigration When immigrants leave their home countries for Canada, they are asked to indi- cate their destination in Canada. There is no firm way of establishing whether they actu- ally stay in their stated destinations, but the statement of intention is generally assumed to be a fairly reliable guide to place of set- tlement. In 1988, 58% of immigrants from Hong Kong were destined for Ontario, in 1989, 54%, and in 1990, 55%. In 1988, 22% went to British Columbia, in 1989, 24%, and in 1990, 26%. The rise in land- ings in Quebec between 1988 (6%) and 1989 (10%) was not sustained; in 1990 the Quebec percentage was 7%. Alberta accounted for 10% of immigrants in 1988, 8% in 1989 and 9% in 1990. Permanent Immigrants Admitted from Hong Kong, by Province 1 1988 1989 1990 Alberta 2257 1623 2535 British Columbia 5188 4849 7660 Manitoba 409 267 340 New Brunswick 33 41 39 Newfoundland 30 28 17 NWT 7 9 17 Nova Scotia 63 71 95 Ontario 13527 10812 16032 PEI 5 3 12 Quebec 1380 1912 1939 Saskatchewan 390 319 342 Yukon 4 1 Total 23293 19934 29029 Within each province, movement of immigrants from Hong Kong has been over- whelmingly to the major cities. In 1988, Toronto accounted for 1 1 ,780 of the 13,527 immigrants to Ontario (87%), in 1989 for 9,329 of 10,812 (86%), and in 1990 for 13,806 of 16,032 (86%). There is an even more pronounced pattern in British Columbia. In 1988, 4,965 of 5,188 landings in British Columbia were in Vancouver (95%), in 19894,661 of 4,849 (96%), and in 1990 7,471 of 7,660 (97.5%). 1. These statistics are supplied by the Immigration Statistics Division, Employment and Immigration Canada. Slight ame statistics published in earlier Updates reflect r corrections. by Diana Lary Toronto n"-t v rv Permanent Residents Admitted from Hong Kong, by Urban Area 1988 1989 1990 Total Calgary Edmonton Halifax Montreal Ottawa Quebec Regina Saskatoon Toronto Vancouver Winnipeg Other destinations 1078 1055 52 1347 139 2 188 91 11780 4965 386 741 791 63 1837 228 15 140 54 9329 4661 225 1302 2960 77 1881 325 18 161 115 13806 7471 311 3121 2960 192 5065 892 35 489 260 34915 17097 922 2010 1850 2448 6308 Total 23293 19934 29029 72256 Amongst cities, Toronto has been con- sistently the major destination. Over the past three years, Toronto has been the desti- nation of 34,915 of the 72,256 immigrants from Hong Kong, or 48%. In the same peri- od, Vancouver has taken 24% of all immi- grants from Hong Kong. Major regional variations become appar- ent when we look at destinations in terms of immigrant class. (In the following tables, figures for each class include principal immigrant and direct dependents.) Immigrants to Montreal are concentrated heavily in the business classes (entrepreneur, investor and self-employed). The percentage of business class immi- grants destined for Montreal in 1988 was 76%, while for all Canada it was only 19%. In 1989 the figures were 82% and 25%, in 1990 77% and 23%. The proportions of family and independent immigrants are lower than for other parts of Canada. In 1988 for Canada as a whole, 59% of Hong Kong immigrants were in the independent class, but in Montreal, 14%. In 1989 the fig- ures were 43% and 9%, in 1990 44% and 13%. Montreal, Permanent Immigrants from Hong Kong, by Class 1988 1989 1990 Family Conv. refugee Designated AssL relative Entrepreneur Investor Self-employed Retired Independent 164 9 17 998 23 9 28 194 100 5 22 1167 291 46 36 170 125 1 17 1129 301 19 49 240 Total 1347 1837 1881 In Toronto, the pattern was very differ- ent, with immigrants concentrated heavily in the independent class. In 1988 72% of immigrants were in the independent class and 10% in business. In 1989 the figures were: independent 61% and business 13%. In 1990 they were: independent 57% and business 12%. In Toronto, the proportion of independents has declined over time, while the proportion of relatives (family and assisted relatives) has grown: 1988 13%; 1989 19%; and 1990 27%. Toronto, Permanent Immigrants by Class 1988 1989 1990 Family 1208 1386 2449 Conv. refugee 2 Designated 5 6 6 AssL relative 291 346 1267 Entrepreneur 1014 840 856 Investor 155 281 743 Self-employed 62 86 64 Retired 561 715 606 Independent 8484 5667 7815 Total 11780 9329 13806 Vancouver's intake of immigrants has also contained a high proportion of indepen- dents, though not as high as Toronto. In 1988 independents made up 48% of all Hong Kong immigrants and business 27%. In 1989 the figures were independent 37%, business 36%, and in Hong Kong Immigration cont'd page 7 6 UPDATE Hong Kong Students In Ontario Large numbers of students from Hong Kong have entered schools in Ontario at both the elementary and secondary levels in recent years. According to statistics collect- ed for the Ontario Ministry of Education, the enrolment of students from Hong Kong has increased for the period from 1987-88 to 1989-90, from 2337 to 2710 in elementary public and separate (Roman Catholic) schools and from 2356 to 3214 in secondary public and separate schools. Students from Hong Kong Entering Ontario Schools (1987-88 to 1989-90) Year Public Separate Elementary Secondary Elemenlary Secondary 1987-88 1847 2224 490 132 1988-89 1582 2201 378 144 1989-90 2238 2963 472 251 The apparent decline for the year 1988- 89 can be explained by the drop in the total number of landings in Canada of Hong Kong immigrants from 23,286 in 1988 to 19,994 in 1989. The corresponding numbers of landings in Ontario are 13,523 in 1988 Hong Kong Immigration from page 6 1990, independent 35%, business 36%. The proportion of relatives increased (1988 15%; 1989 16%; 1990 19%) though not as rapidly as in Toronto. Vancouver, by Class 1988 1989 1990 Family 582 588 1081 Conv. refugee 1 Designated 6 8 AssL relative 155 141 423 Entrepreneur 1064 1317 1554 Investor 257 326 1046 Self-employed 30 49 93 Retired 482 522 645 Independent 2389 1709 2629 Total 4965 4661 7471 by Paul L M. Lee Toronto and 10,793 in 1989. [Sec Canada and Hong Kong Update, Spring 1990.1 It should be noted that statistics on stu- dents coming to study in Ontario public or Catholic schools for a particular year are gathered according to their location of study in the previous year. Hence, a Hong Kong student who is studying for the second year in Ontario will not be regarded as having come from Hong Kong but from Ontario. Furthermore, there is no distinction between visa students and those with immigrant sta- tus. These facts affect the statistics on Hong Kong students, as those originally from Hong Kong are included with students from Ontario in successive years. However, statistics for students enroled in private schools are collected by province or country of permanent residence. These indicate that students from outside the province studying in Ontario private schools come mainly from Hong Kong, Quebec and China. (Statistics from the Ministry of Education do not differentiate between stu- dents coming from Mainland China or Taiwan. It is presumed the majority of stu- dents in the China category are from Taiwan or Southeast Asia.) The enrolment of stu- dents from Hong Kong is increasing from 1038 in 1988 to 1685 in 1990, which repre- sents an increase of 62% within two years. These are all visa students. Ontario Private School Enrolment by Province or Country of Permanent Residence (1988-90) Year Hong Kong China Quebec 1988 1038 107 425 1989 1246 106 450 1990 1685 208 508 Students from Hong Kong coming to study in Ontario tend to concentrate in Metro Toronto and its neighbouring regions. For 1989-90, over 4000 elementary and sec- ondary students of new immigrants from Hong Kong enroled with schools in the city of Metro Toronto and Peel and York Regions. Students from Hong Kong Entering Public Schools in Metro Toronto and Neighbouring Regions in 1987-88 to 1989-90 City/Region Elementary Secondary 87- 88- 89- 87- 88- 89- 88 89 90 88 89 90 East York 30 19 37 25 23 31 Etobicoke 12 23 17 26 23 73 North York 431 244 351 5% 558 572 Scarborough 715 677 840 508 511 517 Toronto 212 201 238 628 651 1043 York 10 8 4 13 11 17 Metro 1410 1172 1487 17% 1777 2253 Peel Region 116 130 206 56 90 175 York Region 177 182 361 112 112 233 The number of students entering separate schools is limited because these schools give preference in admission to students of Catholic faith. These students enter schools mainly in Metro Toronto and neighbouring regions. Students from Hong Kong Entering Separate Schools in Metro Toronto and Neighbouring Regions in 1987-88 to 1989-90 School Board Elementary Secondary 87- 88- 89- 87- 88- 89- 88 89 90 88 89 90 Metro 315 214 262 21 22 50 Dufferin/Peel 53 46 62 11 4 29 York Region 83 83 106 42 48 75 As mentioned earlier, students coming to study in Ontario are classified according to their place of study in the previous year. There are about 20,000 immigrants from Hong Kong entering Canada each year, and more than half of these immigrants will set- tle in Ontario, in particular Metro Toronto and the neighbouring regions. There will be a great demand on the educa- tional services in these regions by students originally coming from Hong Kong. Partially funded by the Canada and Hong Kong Project, a detailed study of Hong Kong visa students in Metro Toronto is being planned. Researchers involved are Kathryn Mickie, Paul Lee and Bernard Luk. UPDATE 7 Development of Hong Kong's New Manufacturing Base: Guangdong Accelerates Since the mid-1980's, South China has experienced major economic and social changes but nowhere more than in the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone (SEZ) and its Pearl River hinterland. This region lies just to the north of the Lo Wu border crossing from Hong Kong. Once a collec- tion of sleepy villages with less than 50,000 people, Shenzhen has become a bustling manufacturing city of 2 million in the past ten years. It is accessible by fre- quent train and bus from Hong Kong, as well as by private boat. The recent ease of communication is the result of renewed historical ties between Shenzhen and Hong Kong and the greater economic development taking place throughout the provinces of Guangdong and Fujian in southeast China. The involvement of Hong Kong in this rapid development has been recognized by the Beijing government. In a recent interview with a Hong Kong TVB reporter, Premier Li Peng emphasized that Beijing has a great interest in securing the economic sta- bility of Hong Kong because China's well being is directly affected. Following Shenzhen's phenomenal suc- cess in the late 1980's, other Special Economic Zones and SEZ clones were set up all along the China coast, stretching to the northeast coastal areas and parts of the interior. However, Shenzhen and Guangdong province as a whole occupy a special place in the development of China. Until the 1980's, Guangdong was not allowed to industrialize by the Central Government as a matter of policy. It remained an agricultural backwater com- pared with other cities such as Shanghai or Dalian in the north. With the opening of China to Western investment, the situation changed dramatically. By 1984 Guangdong as a whole had caught up with and surpassed most other provinces and was ranked fifth in terms of total exports. By 1990 it ranked first with total exports of over $10 billion U.S. The economy of the Pearl River Delta - the economic heartland of Guangdong which by Paul Levine Hong Kong includes the Shenzhen SEZ - has grown by a minimum of 20% each year and shows no sign of levelling off. During the past ten years of growth, the only downturn came during 1988-89 when the central govern- ment enforced austerity measures designed to arrest near-runaway inflation and pre- vent the Chinese economy from overheat- ing. Since that time Shenzhen has grown by an astonishing figure of 40% per year! What is the cause of this dynamic activ- ity in Guangdong and in the SEZ in partic- ular? Three main factors can be singled out: first, improved energy and communi- cations infrastructure; second, attracted by lower wages in Guangdong, the large-scale movement by the high-volume manufac- turing and assembly sector out of Hong Kong; and third, to a lesser extent, a busi- ness climate and local policies that aid rather than hinder investment. The latter includes investment by both Hong Kong and overseas firms. Because the Guangdong delta region is adjacent to Hong Kong, there are few if any cultural or linguistic barriers. The peo- ple of both areas speak a similar Cantonese dialect which increases their solidarity, especially useful when closing business deals. There is also a major upgrading of communication links under way between Guangdong and Hong Kong. These include rapidly expanding port facilities that should increase shipping to Hong Kong's world-class container terminals. A new $1 billion six-lane super-highway is being built from Hong Kong to Guangdong through the Shenzhen SEZ. In addition, there is an updated power grid. Its centre at the soon-to-be -completed Daya Bay nucle- ar power generating station, located to the east of Shenzhen SEZ, promises new sources of power for manufacturing and assembly plants. The second factor, cheaper labour, has always been a strong attraction for foreign investment in China. Until the mid- 1980's, Hong Kong manufacturers did not take advantage of this because the Chinese stan- dard of quality-control was inadequate. However, Hong Kong's competitiveness was threatened as inflation rose rapidly to about 13% and the cost of foreign materi- als increased in relation to the Hong Kong dollar. The latter is pegged to the more expensive US currency which has remained high in relation to international manufacturing in other lesser developed countries (LDC). After 1984 the Shenzhen SEZ received special treatment from the Beijing govern- ment in order to attract overseas compa- nies. With lower wages and costs, Shenzhen became a magnet for Hong Kong companies. Smaller overseas firms have had more difficulties because of the local costs added to labour, as well region- al taxes and subsidiary costs. However, larger, multi-national companies have found that manufacturing in the SEZ/Guangdong is more profitable as long as quality-control can be assured. Such companies include Alcan or Northern Telecom in the Canadian case, Heinz, General Foods or Proctor & Gamble from the U.S., as well as Hong Kong factories that produce garments for such names as Daniel Hechter and Marks & Spencer. The key factor has been the hiring and training of new workers, many of whom are just out of middle school, rather than employing those from state-run factories. As one engineer, responsible for a joint venture in the energy sector, said, "At first I worried about the quality of workers from the villages, but after about six months of training, I found that they made the transition from lack of respect for machinery to a fairly high level of exper- tise, better than workers on projects in other third-world countries where I have supervised." Strolling in the centre of Shenzhen amidst the high-rise office buildings along Liberation Road with its all-day traffic jams, one has the feeling that efficiency and capitalism are concepts whose time has arrived in southern Guangdong. 8 UPDATE Japan and Hong Kong: Trade and Investment Trends Substantial Japanese trade with and investment in Hong Kong since the 1950's suggests confidence in the future of the colony after 1997. However, recent trends show that the increase in the value of the yen since 1985 has negatively effected trade and has had implications for Japanese investment. Japan is Hong Kong's second largest trading partner after China, and after Indonesia, Hong Kong has received the most Japanese foreign investment between 1951 and 1988. Since 1985, the average number of Japanese investments per year in Hong Kong has been higher than that of any other country investing in the territory. Japanese government immigration policy regarding Hong Kong reflects a cautious- ness in acknowledging any doubt in Chinese intentions to maintain HK's present economic system for at least fifty years after 1997. Trade Japanese trade statistics reveal that Hong Kong imports from Japan have increased an average 15% between 1987 and 1989, despite the doubling of the value of the yen since 1985. Between February 1989 and May 1990,* the value of the yen rose against the Hong Kong dollar by 13%. In the first quarter of 1991, the yen was up 9.4% against the H.K. dollar, compared to the same period a year earlier. This dramatic increase in the cost of Japanese goods did not halt the trend for more Japanese imports to Hong Kong. While the percentage increase of imports from Japan dropped to .2% in 1988-89, down from 29% in 1987-88 and 27% in 1986-86, it rebounded to 13% in 1989-90. The 1988-89 rate was the most dramatic slow down in growth of imports for a major Hong Kong trading partner. It can be partially explained by the dip in the value of the Hong Kong dollar during this period combined with the substantial increase of yen value. * 1989-91 figures are in real terms and are from First Quarter Economic Report 1991 (Hong Kong: Government Secretarial, Economic Services Branch, May, 1991). by D. Wendy McCallum Kyoto China, Hong Kong's largest trading part- ner, also saw a drop, but much smaller, in the percentage increase of its exports to Hong Kong, from 30% in 1987-88 to 26% in 1988- 89 and 17% in 1989-90. U.S. imports to Hong Kong, the fourth largest after Taiwan, dropped from a 28% to 12% to 10% annual increase over the same period. Hong Kong Imports (U.S. millions)* Hong Kong Domestic Exports (not including re-exports) (U.S. millions): From: Japan China US. 1990 103.36114 236,133.73 51,788.38 1989 93,202.34 196,675,95 46,233.81 1988 93,007.76 155,633.53 41,347.37 1987 71,904.75 117,356.67 32,241.72 First 3 months: 1991 27,13101 57,173.98 13,050.88 1990 21,235.09 46,008.45 12,693.19 1989 23,35172 40,584.91 10,765.33 *Statistics from Hong Kong Monthly Digest of Statistics, April 1991. Hong Kong imports more from Japan than it exports, but its domestic exports (not including re-exports) to Japan increased steadily between 1986 and 1989. From 1987-1989, the average increase in the terri- tory's exports to Japan was 18%, but in 1990 the growth rate dropped sharply by 8%. This was a result of the appreciation of the Hong Kong dollar and the reduced price competitiveness of its goods. Hong Kong exports the most in terms of value to the U.S., while China is second and Japan fifth, after Germany and the U.K. Since 1987 Hong Kong exports to China have increased the most. Japan has the sec- ond largest increase while exports to the U.S. dropped .9% during 1988-89 and a fur- ther 10% in 1989-90. The weak perfor- mance of domestic exports to the U.S. should be viewed against the substantial increase of 77% in re-exports to this market from 1988 through 1990. Hong Kong exports to Japan and the U.S. are consider- ably less than its exports to China. Hong Kong's domestic exports to Japan are val- ued at approximately 30% of its exports to China and only 18% of its exports to the U.S. To: Japan China US. 1990 12,079.11 47,469.59 66,369.77 1989 13,027.82 43,272.20 71161.61 1988 11,435.47 38,043.01 71884.33 1987 9,489.08 27,870.91 71817.21 First 3 months: 1991 2,634.99 10.247.77 11,677.88 1990 2,587.81 9,288.29 13.579.07 1989 2,941.58 9.226.62 14,132.69 Exports of manufactured products to Japan from South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong jumped from US$18.2 billion in 1985 to $27. 1 billion in 1989. Analysts have noted that these exports have consisted mainly of goods made by or produced under contract for large Japanese companies. Efforts by the Newly Industrializing Economies (NIEs) to penetrate Japan's domestic market with their own manufac- tures have generally been unsuccessful except for a brief boom in NTE-made elec- tronic consumer goods in 1987-88 [Far Eastern Economic Review, May 3, 1990]. Domestic exports originate in Hong Kong. This status is decided by product- specific government delineations of the per- centage of value added, content or produc- tion process which determines country of origin. Re-exports are those produced in another country, brought to Hong Kong where no significant value is added, and then re-exported to a third country. Current observations of increasing integration of the regional economies of East and Southeast Asia provoke special interest in re-exporting trends through Hong Kong. Linda Y.S. Lim and Clyde D. Stoltenberg of the University of Michigan contend that, "Regional trade now has a pronounced triangular pattern: Southeast Asian countries import capital goods and manufactured inputs from Japan and the NIEs for local processing, with the final products exported to the United States, or increasingly within Asia." [China Business Review, May-June 1990]. Recent statistics on re-exports from Hong Kong sug- gest a significant role for the colony in this process. Japan and Hong Kong, cont'd page 10 UPDATE 9 Japan and Hong Kong, from page 9 Re-exports from Hong Kong/ Percentage of Total Re-exports To: Japan China U.S. 1990 24,375.81 110,907.94 87,752.47 (6%) (27%) (21%) 1989 22,268.16 103,491.71 72,032.85 (6%) (30%) (21%) 1988 17,417.66 94,895.11 49,482.99 (6%) (34%) (18%) Total Re-exports from Hong Kong: 1990 1989 1988 1987 413,998.66 346,405.47 275,405.29 182,780.42 Total 1990 H.K. Exports* by Country of Destination: Japan China U.S. 36,454.92 158,377.53 154,122.24 Re-exports as a Percentage of Total Exports* to a Country: To: Japan China U.S. 1990 67% 70% 57% 1989 63% 81% 27% 1988 60% 78% 21% 1987 51% 75% 16% * Total exports = domestic exports + re-exports. The high proportion of Hong Kong exports to Japan and China which originate in a third country suggests that Hong Kong's role in the triangular pattern of trade is that of a processing centre or a buffer in politically sensitive situations such as Taiwan's trade with China or Japan's enormous trade sur- pluses with the United States. Attempts to determine from statistics what percentage of imports from Japan to Hong Kong are being re-exported and to where are unreliable and speculative. A spokesperson for the U.S. customs depart- ment said that re-exported goods from Hong Kong which originated in Japan cannot be identified because the country-of-origin delineations vary by country and product and because there is a time lag between importing and re-exporting. Imported goods may sit in Hong Kong for months before being re-exported to the United States. Investment Japanese annual foreign direct investment in Hong Kong (in U.S. dollars) has increased from $131 million in 1985 to S1.9 billion in 1989, according to Japanese Ministry of Finance statistics. Hong Kong's director of industry, Mr. Andrew Leung Kin Pong said that if Japan continues its current rate of investment, it could overtake the U.S. as the territory's largest overseas investor and tech- nology transfer partner by the year 2000. The U.S. currently contributes 3 1% of the total value of industrial investment in Hong Kong, and Japan contributes 29%, according to a 1990 survey of overseas investment in Hong Kong's manufacturing sector conducted by the Hong Kong government industry depart- ment The value of Japan's cumulative investment in Hong Kong's manufacturing industries (at original cost) is S8.6 billion. This is second only to the total value (at orig- inal cost) of U.S. investment, S9.3 billion. Compared to 43% of American investment, 62% of Japanese investment went into the stock of fixed assets. The first Japanese investment in Hong Kong was recorded in 1960. Since then investment has grown steadily over the past 30 years. Since 1985 the average number of investment projects grew to 14 a year, while American investments averaged 9 a year, and Chinese investments were 6 a year. In 1989, 1 80 Japanese investments were identified, of which 100 (56%) were wholly-owned by Japanese interests, 9 (5%) were joint-ven- tures without a local interest and 7 1 (39%) joint ventures with a local interest. Together they employ more than 20,000 staff, repre- senting approximately 3.6% of Hong Kong's total manufacturing workforce. Americans had 147 investment projects in 1989, of which 90 (61%) were wholly owned, 14 (10%) were joint-ventures without a local interest and 43 (29%) joint ventures with a local interest. China is the third largest indus- trial investor in Hong Kong with a total of 49 investment projects identified in 1989. Of these 37 (76%) were joint ventures, in con- trast to the predominantly wholly owned American and Japanese investments. Japanese investment in Hong Kong indus- tries is mainly in electronics, electrical prod- ucts, printing and publishing, and watches and clocks. These account for 67% of total investment, compared to the 5 1% of American investment in the electronics industry. Other industries with substantial American investment are electrical products, textiles and clothing. Chinese investments are mainly in transport equipment and chem- ical products, accounting for 48% of their total investment. Other areas for Chinese investment are tobacco, electronics and tex- tiles and clothing. [Report on the Survey of Overseas Investment in Hong Kong Manufacturing Industries, 1990. Hong Kong Government Industry DepL, Nov. 6, 1990.] The Hong Kong Deputy Director of Industry, Mr. Wilfred Wong, perceives that increasing Japanese investment signifies Japan's confidence in and commitment to the future of the territory. He notes that in 1990 the Hong Kong Industry Department assisted in four new Japanese projects and the expan- sion of five Japanese factories. Over the last 20 months, the department had assisted some 20 Japanese manufacturers in setting up offices in Hong Kong for sales or procure- ment activities. These projects included Pacific Tube Corp Ltd., NEC Technologies Hong Kong Ltd., and Ricoh Co. Ltd. [Hong Kong Digest, HK Economic and Trade Office, March/April 1991.] Last year Japanese investment in Kong Kong's property market was estimated to be about HK $12 billion. The big players are Nissho Iwai, EE Development and Yaohan International. A total of 1500 Japanese com- panies are in Hong Kong, including Marubeni, C. Itoh, Toyo Menka Kaisha, Mitsubishi and Mitsui. The Export-Import Bank of Japan records the breakdown of cumulative Japanese direct investment in Hong Kong and notes that the commerce and service sectors received nearly 1 2 times more Japanese investment than the manufacturing sector between 1951 and 1988. During this same period, the Bank also recorded that Hong Kong was second only to Indonesia as recipient of cumulative Japanese investment, which was $6.2 billion US to Indonesia's $9.8 billion US. Prepared by the Japan Bond Research Institute, the Country Rbk Report survey of specialists at fourteen Japanese entities in the fields of banking, trading and manufacturing confirms that the perception of investment risks in Hong Kong is reasonably low. This biannual survey aims to determine the level of Japanese investor confidence in about 100 countries based on a risk rating of a number of different factors. These include political stability, consistency of policies, foreign exchange policy and economic growth potential. The rating is done on a 10 point scale, more than 9 meaning no risk, 8.9-7.9 little risk, 6.9-5 some risk and less than 5 indicating various degrees of risk. A general 10 UPDATE rating is offered, which is based on compre- hensive scores given by each of Ihc fourteen groups. In January 1991, Hong Kong's general rating was 8.4 which was the same as in January 1989 and July 1989, immediately after Tiananmen. This is compared to Singapore, a country with a similar income per capita (S8,162US to Hong Kong's S9.643US in 1989), which received a general rating of 9.9 in January 1991 and 10.0 in January 1989. South Korea (income per capi- ta of S4.040US) rated 7.9 in January 1991 and 8.4 in January, 1989. (Income per capita figures torn Asia 1990 Yearbook, Hong Kong: Review Publishing Co.) In terms of political stability, Hong Kong is rated 7.7 as of January 1991, compared to Singapore's rating of 9.9 and South Korea's of 7. 1 . Hong Kong's political stability rating dropped from 8.3 in January 1 989, to 7.4 in July of that year reflecting a reaction to Tiananmen, but returned to average 7.7 since January 1990. Hong Kong's economic growth potential is listed as 7. 1 in January 1 99 1 , while Singapore's is 7.4 and South Korea's is 7.6. In terms of consistency of policies, Hong Kong is rated with 7.9, Singapore 9.3, and South Korea is 7.6. Despite the fact it is judged risky on some accounts, increased Japanese investment in Hong Kong is justified by high rates of return. Exemplifying this optimism about the future of Hong Kong is Kazuo Wada, chair- man of the Japanese international retailer, the Yaohan Department Store Group. Mr Wada recently shifted Yaohan's Asian headquarters from Japan to Hong Kong. He defends his move as a foresighted strategy to expand Yaohan internationally and to stimulate busi- ness in China and throughout Asia, using Hong Kong as a base. In addition to the appeal of Hong Kong's unparalleled 16.5% corporate tax, he considers Hong Kong to be "Asia's strategic core, where high quality information not available in Japan is concen- trated." Quoted in the Hong Kong Trader, Mr. Wada maintains, "Eventually, I antici- pate that the southern part of China will be the most suitable region for foreign enterpris- es to make investments. Before such an era arrives Yaohan will penetrate deep into China, and when other foreign companies turn their eyes to China, Yaohan will have established itself in many ways, including the operation of stores and commodity logistics." Immigration In December 1990, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Japan released data on the number of "foreigners" registered in Japan at the end of 1989. People from China, Taiwan and Hong Kong totalled 137,499. In sharp contrast to the Canadian or American response to the flood of Hong Kong emigrants, the Japanese government refuses to acknowledge any such trend. The official Japanese response to questions about its immigration policy towards Hong Kong has been to treat the question as "hypothetical." A press release from the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs states: "Rather than talk- ing about specific hypothetical problems and thus heightening the concern of people inside and outside of Hong Kong, it is best that Japan continue to express the hope that Hong Kong will continue to play the role of a good contact and intermediary agent between the Chinese mainland and the outside world In this way, we intend to foster business confi- dence in Hong Kong even after 1997." The main concern of the Japanese government seems to be sending the "proper message" to China: "We hope that China will understand that it would be in China's interests to try to respond appropriately to Japan's repeatedly expressed hope and that we will be able to avoid an exodus of people from Hong Kong." The author would like lo thank the Hong Kong Trade and Development Council, Toronto; the Japan External Trade Organization (JETRO) offices in New York, Hong Kong, Tokyo and Toronto; the Japan Economic Institute (J El), Washington and Prof. Don Daly of York University for their assistance in research for this article. PADS Agreement and the Future of Hong Kong-China Relations by Phil Calvert Ottawa The July 4th Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between Britain and Hong Kong on the Port and Airport Development Strategy is doubtless the most significant political development in relations between the two, and between Britain and China, since the signing of the 1984 Joint Declaratioa The MOU sets the stage and the tenor of the transition years leading up to 1997 and establishes the parameters within which governments on all sides will be expected to operate. In doing so, it has two, somewhat contradictory purposes. In reaching agreement to go ahead with the project, it lowers the high level of Sino-British tension which had devel- oped on the issue, and in this sense can be seen as an important "confidence-building measure" designed to reassure all observers (and investors) that the future Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will continue to serve as an important economic centre in Asia. At the same time it establishes clear and, some would argue, quite generous guidelines for giving China influence over significant issues in Hong Kong leading up to 1997 - an influence which, because of the PRC's demonstrated leverage on the PADS issue, could extend far beyond the letter of the MOU or other previous agreements. Some of the key provisions of the MOU include the establishment of a special commit- tee, operating under the auspices of the Hong Kong-British Joint Liaison Group, to discuss major decisions relating to the airport and the provision that any debts larger than HKS5 bil- lion, repayable after 1997, would need the agreement of the PRC government. These two provisions establish a notable level of influ- ence on the part of the PRC over the airport project, and by implication and precedent, over the entire transition process. At the same time, however, it seems to demonstrate Beijing's willingness to get on with the project and the indication that its previous opposition was not directed at the project itself so much as the approach taken by the Hong Kong gov- ernment. While the MOU will increase international confidence in the future of the airport and the equally crucial port component, it also makes it virtually certain that the Hong Kong or British governments will consult Beijing on any other significant issues straddling 1997. In this sense, then, the MOU increases short-term economic confidence by allowing the project to continue, while at the same time abrogating PADS Agreement, cont'd page 12 UPDATE 11 PAD Agreement, from page n what was one of the political aims of the PADS project - that is, to demonstrate Hong Kong's political and economic autonomy in the wake of Tiananmen. Indeed, it gives fur- ther acknowledgement to the inevitable growth of PRC influence over Hong Kong in the years leading up to 1997. Doubtless the signing of the MOU on the project was met with sighs of relief from many quarters who saw resolution of the issue as nec- essary to any further progress in implementing the transition of power. With this issue, for the time being at least, cleared out of the way, Britain can more freely address other sensitive concerns, such as human rights issues. Beijing, despite its posturing, needed an agreement on the issue as well. The MOU aids the PRC in the rebuilding of its international credibility after Tiananmen, in that it conveys a sense of reason- ableness on the part of Beijing. For the same reason, Beijing is at least appearing to acknowl- edge international concern over human rights. While an ongoing impasse on PADS would no doubt have put Sino-British relations under serious strain, the resolution of the issue has given China a very big lever in future Hong Kong politics. The resolution, however, remains somewhat neo-colonialist, in that its provisions, such as the Sino-British Council to oversee the project, mean that this very signifi- cant Hong Kong issue will still largely be dealt with in Sino-British terms. This does not bode particularly well for the growth of the proto- demccratic Hong Kong institutions which are intended to provide some protection for the people in the face of China's reassertion of sovereignty in 1 997. PRC pressure on Hong Kong publicists to engage in self-censorship on the whole issue of the 1997 handover has already been notable. It remains to be seen whether the commercial and economic implica- tions of this agreement translate into serious political consequences as well Hong Kong Elections The United Democrats of Hong Kong, led by Martin Lee, won a landslide victory in the September 15th partial elections for the Hong Kong Legislative Council (Legco). Twenty-one members of Legco are appointed by the governor, 21 elected by functional constituencies (professional groups), and 18 elected by popular vote. The United Democrats won 16 of these 18 seats. None of the communist-backed candi- dates nor those from the Liberal Democratic Federation, representing the interests of business, won seats. Voter turn-out was low at 39%, a figure which allowed Peking's chief official concerned with Hong Kong and Macao, Lu Ping, to pour cold water on the results. However, in Hong Kong and in London the results were seen as a proof of the enthusiasm for democracy in Hong Kong. Douglas Hurd, the Foreign Secretary (and a historian of China) commented that the elections "opened a new and encourag- ing chapter" in Hong Kong's history. An editorial in The Times on September 18th called on the British prime minister to "lean on the Hong Kong government to give democracy its due." Martin Lee allowed no time to elapse before calling on the governor to make appointments to the places in his gift from a list supplied by the UDHK. Sir David Wilson did not follow this advice. On September 21st he named seven continuing members and ten new members, in addition to the four ex officio members. Pressure can be expected now to have the number of directly-elected members of Legco increased and to have representation from the UDHK on the Executive Council. Emigration from Hong Kong Only 10,000 of a possible 12,000 employ- ment visas, dedicated by the US authorities for key personnel working for US companies in Hong Kong, are likely to be taken up this year. This is a lower rate than anticipated when the scheme was launched (Hong Kong Digest, June 10th). This tepid level of interest is paralleled by a lower than expected level of applications for passports under the British Right of Abode scheme. Only about 65,000 applications were received for the 50,000 places under the first tranche. The global figures for British passports are misleading. Applications are made in spe- cific categories, and some categories were heavily over-subscribed while others were under-subscribed. The two categories most heavily over-subscribed were translators/ inter- preters (291 for 42 places) and legal profession- als (1200 for 185). Those which were most under-subscribed were: managers and adminis- trators (12,594 for 14,927) and the Royal Hong Kong Police (3,299 for 3,282) (South China Morning Post, June 23, 1991). The process of interviewing applicants is under way, the plan is that 200 people will be interviewed every week for the next three years. These two sets of figures seem to suggest a weakening of the demand for emigration from Hong Kong, but it would be too simplistic to interpret them in this way. People eligible for either scheme may not have applied because they already hold foreign citizenship or because they are planning to move to countries other than the UK or the USA Others may have been put off by the complexity of the application pro- cess (See Update, 4, Spring 199 1, p. 3). Some people may have felt that they were ineligible. Concern has been expressed that the categories being used are too rigid and limit the number of people who can apply under the scheme. Not everyone is leaving. Although Hong Kong's 1997-induced brain drain now draws away about 60,000 emigrants each year, the majority of the terri- tory's nearly six million people have little hope of obtaining a foreign passport. They simply do not have the investment money, job skills, education or family connections to qualify for immigrant visas. 12 UPDATE Choosing to Stay Behind by Susan Henders Hong Kong However, even some of those with good immigration prospects say they will stay behind instead of leaving. Their deep attach- ments to crowded, fast-moving, prosperous Hong Kong and the risks and costs of immi- gration are holding them back. "I was bom in Hong Kong and I love this place," said Steven Yip [not his real name], a journalist who also fears his not-quite-perfect English would keep him out of a career in news should he emigrate. Others choosing to stay echo Yip's wor- ries. "My business could never survive if I went international," said Anna Lo, who built her successful modelling and fashion show production company, Catwalk Productions, from the ground up. "Besides, Hong Kong is my home town. I have travelled a lot and I like Hong Kong best." Timothy Gibbs, general manager of the Royal Bank of Canada's Hong Kong branch, said he has employees with degrees from for- eign universities who say they will stay. "They aren't too scared about 1997," Gibbs said. "There will still be a Hong Kong." It is difficult to estimate the exact number of people opung for life in Hong Kong despite having the means to leave. Not only are many people reluctant to talk about their plans, many have not applied for immigration visas yet but are trying to create options to leave should it become necessary, according to Ronald Skeldon, a senior lecturer in Geography at the University of Hong Kong. How many will actually stay depends on con- ditions in Hong Kong, China and immigra- tion destination countries like Canada in the years before and after 1997. Despite these difficulties, a survey of Hong Kong professionals done in late 1988 and early 1989 gives some tentative indica- tions of how many people with good emi- gration prospects will potentially stay. The study, done by the Hong Kong Institute of Personnel Management and the City Polytechnic of Hong Kong, found as many as 26% of respondents were potential "stay- ers," people who said they probably would not or definitely would not emigrate. At the same time, 46% of respondents said they probably or definitely would emigrate; 8% were undecided. Because the responses were gathered before the June 4, 1989 crackdown on the pro-democracy move- ment in Mainland China, the report proba- bly underestimates the number of potential emigrants among professionals. The study indicates the professionals more likely to remain in Hong Kong and the reasons behind their decision. Those respon- dents over 64 years old and those under 25 were more likely to be potential "stayers" than other age groups. Single and childless respondents were also less willing to emi- grate, while those married professionals with children were more determined to leave. Phoebus Tai Hung Wai, a 33 year-old, university-educated senior inspector with the Royal Hong Kong Police and father of two small children, illustrates the dilemma of many parents. Tai said he and his wife, a middle manager with a local bank, have no plans to leave their comfortable lifestyle for the sake of a foreign passport. However, they do worry about the long-term future of their children. "I have confidence in the sta- bility of Hong Kong for a decade or even a generation," Tai said, "but after that it becomes more uncertain." Tai was educated in Hong Kong and, except for visits to China and Macau, has never travelled abroad. Professionals educated in Hong Kong rather than overseas showed less inclination to leave. Those with less education and job experience and less well-developed skills were also less likely to leave than their bet- ter educated and experienced counterparts. Many of the reasons respondents had for staying in Hong Kong were distinct, rather than simply the opposite of those forces pushing others to go. The study found that fears about job opportunities and racial dis- crimination overseas, preferences for living conditions in Hong Kong, confidence in the territory's post-1997 stability and kinship ties topped the list of reasons motivating potential "stayers" to remain in Hong Kong. Other concerns included adaptation to a for- eign environment, the cost of living abroad and desire to educate their children in Hong Kong. Carmen Yim Ka Man is a counsellor at the Hong Kong Catholic Marriage Advisory Council, which works with couples making emigration decisions. She maintains that financial, career and quality of life concerns often overlap. People well-employed in Hong Kong risk losing income and status because of difficulty finding comparable work in their new country of residence. Women also can end up being responsible for unaccustomed housework because they can no longer afford to hire domestic help. A 1991 Hong Kong Institute of Personnel Management survey of Hong Kong immigrants in Canada backs up Yim's contention that emigration is stressful and risky. Using data collected from 47 1 immigrants in August and December 1990, Institute researcher Sara F.Y. Tang found 74% of respondents were able to get their first job within three months of moving to Canada. However, almost two-thirds dropped in job rank, nearly 30% by as many as three or more steps. More than half of the respondents had to change professions, and more than half also took a drop in dispos- able income. For 16% that income drop was more than 50%. Business woman Anna Lo said that throwing a going-away party for friends departing for a new life in Canada or the U.S. has become a waste of money because so many of them end up returning to Hong Kong. "They joke that it's because they can't play majong [a popular Chinese game) anywhere else," Lo indicated. "The real rea- son is that it's easier to make money in Hong Kong." Brian Gundcrson, the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce's general manager of support services for Asia, said he has heard of people forced to return to Hong Kong because things have not worked out in Canada. "That kind of thing circulates back here and maybe dis- courages people from leaving." Nevertheless, intangibles, rather than dollars and cents, motivate some people to stay. While surveys suggest 50-60% of his fellow lawyers could emigrate before 1997, Albert Ho Chun Yan declared he is commit- ted to remain. Ho is the internal vice-presi- dent of the United Democrats of Hong Kong, one of the most liberal and high pro- file of the territory's new political parties and winner of the recent Legco elections. He indicated that love for Hong Kong, "moral" commitment to its people and the desire to live in a Chinese society prevent him from seeking a foreign passport. "It is something that is very personal," adds Ho, who claims many other members of his party share his sentiments. Only two of the United Democrats' 16 candidates for September's Legislative Council elections have foreign passports, according to Ho. Both acquired them years ago while they were overseas as students. However, researchers at the University of Hong Kong caution that emigration deci- sions are constantly under review, even for most of those who say they will stay. "I sus- pect very few people would say categorical- ly that they would not leave under any con- ditions," said Wong Siu Lun, a professor in the University's Sociology Department. "Hong Kong is basically an immigrant com- munity, so people have that readiness to leave." Skeldon suspects the risks and costs of emigration are giving some potential immi- grants second thoughts, especially given the current economic downturn in Canada, the United States and Australia. However, he expects emigration levels to continue at approximately 60,000 people per year for the next few years. A major shift in the immigration policies of these key countries or another crisis akin to the events of June 4th in Beijing could spark a new rush to apply for immigrant visas. UPDATE 13 The following articles by our research assistants are a continuation from the Spring 1991 Update of the description of Chinese-Canadian organizations in Toronto and Vancouver. They also include some of the Chinese student associations at several universities in these cities. Chinese-Canadian Associations in Vancouver by Hugh Xiaobing Tan Vancouver Chinese Community Library Services Association Established in 1972 as a non-profit orga- nization, this association provides library services to the local Chinese community. It now has more than 500 members, most of whom reside in the Greater Vancouver area. The CCLSA maintains two subsidiary insti- tutions: the Chinese Community Library and the Chinese Community History Room The Library collects and maintains Chinese publications and makes them avail- able to the public, free of charge or at mini- mal cost. With a collection of more than 8,000 books and a regular subscription to 9 newspapers and 24 magazines, it is one of the few libraries of its kind in the Greater Vancouver area. In addition to its "in- house" services, it also operates a mobile out-reach unit which brings a variety of ser- vices to senior citizens living in the neigh- bourhood. The History Room was established in 1983 in recognition of an acutely felt need to furnish a Chinese -Canadian history of British Columbia. It aims to collect and pre- serve materials documenting the Chinese heritage of the province. Over the years it has accumulated a rich collection of diverse materials. Funding for the association comes from both public and private sectors, as well as from fund-raising events. 591 E. Pender St. Vancouver, B.C. V6A 1V3 President: May Chu Library (604) 254-2107 History Room (604) 254-3012 Vancouver Section of the Hong Kong-Canada Business Association Following the National Association's guidelines, the Vancouver Section has a pri- mary goal of promoting connections, com- munication and trading relationships between business communities in Hong Kong and Canada. It now has a membership of more than 500, most of whom are Canadians doing business with Hong Kong. About one-third of its members are original- ly from Hong Kong. Its regular activities include a monthly luncheon meeting and an annual dinner party for all members. Usually a speaker, well-known to the community, is invited to address the luncheon meeting. Last year, the organization sponsored an exhibition, called 'Transplant," in down- town Vancouver. All exhibits were products of manufacturing firms set up by Hong Kong business immigrants in the Greater Vancouver area. One purpose of the exhibi- tion was to dispel the popular belief that Hong Kong immigrants have invested only in the real estate market. The Association also participated in the Festival Canada held in Hong Kong last June and will take part in the organization of the Hong Kong Festival in Canada in 1992. 700-1550 Alberni St Vancouver, B.C. V6G 1A3 Section Pres.: Francis Cheung (604) 669-4444; fax: (604) 681-0093 Vancouver Chinatown Merchants Association The primary goal of this non-profit local organization is improving business in Vancouver's Chinatown. All 200 members are people or firms doing business in the area. Founded in 1981, the Association is at present compiling a publication for its 10th anniversary celebration. To attract more people to shop in Chinatown, the organization has strongly advocated a beautification program which includes cleaning rear lanes and streets and installing more street lights. To solve the parking problem for shoppers, the Associa- tion has negotiated with the provincial and municipal governments to turn a parking lot at the edge of Chinatown into a crown prop- erty so a multi-level and lower-cost parking facility can be constructed. The Chinatown Merchants Association has a board of 25 directors. Its funding depends on membership fees and donations from its directors and members. 206-37 E. Pender SL Vancouver, B.C. V6A 1S9 Pres.: King Wong (604) 682-8998 Vancouver Chinatown Lions Club Following the general guidelines of the International Lions Club, the Chinatown Club is a non-profit, charity, and service organization. Its objective is to serve those in need. The organization was established in 1954 and is the oldest Lions Club in Vancouver's Chinese community. Its mem- bership varies from year to year and in 1991 was 73. About 80% of its members are of Chinese origin, 40% of whom are originally from Hong Kong. The Club actively participates in com- munity affairs. It took part in the building of the Dr. Sun Yat-Sen Classical Park; it initi- ated the idea of constructing the "China Gate" and negotiated with the provincial government on this matter. It has also built three "Seniors Mansions" and rents the apartments to low-income Chinese senior citizens. Most recently it sponsored a fund- raising sweepstakes for East China flood relief. Every year the Chinatown Lions Club donates $5,000 to cultural or educational institutions in the community. Its funding depends on membership fees and fund-raising events, such as the annual Miss Chinatown Pageant. In recent years some of its former members have formed several new Lions Clubs, including the Vancouver Cathay Lions Club, Vancouver Mandarin Lions Club, and most recently, the Vancouver Pacific Lions Club whose members are all women. 830 Campbell Ave. Vancouver, B.C. V6A 3V2 Pres.: Bill Ma (604) 324-7717 14 UPDATE Dr. Sun Yat-Sen Park Yee Fong Choy Tong (National Headquarters and Vancouver Branch) The Yee Fong Choy Tong is a clan-char- ity organization with branches all over the world. It has sections in six major Canadian cities. Its Canadian headquarters and Vancouver branch are located at the same address. The Vancouver branch was established 89 years ago and is registered as a non- political, non-profit organizatioa Its major goal is to maintain connections and commu- nication between people with the family name of Yee or Yu and provide them with moral, spiritual and, when necessary, finan- cial support. At present it has about 300 members. Its activities are mainly social and recre- ational. Regular events include the spring banquet, the annual memorial ceremony, and the autumn outing. It has also set up a scholarship program for children of its members. 226 E. Georgia St Vancouver, B.C. V6A 1Z7 Pres. of National Headquarters: Bill Yee Pres. of Vancouver Branch: Ken Yu (604) 684-3074 Vancouver Society in Support of Democratic Movement (VSSDM) The VSSDM was formally registered as a non-profit society on June 28, 1991, fol- lowing the June 4th incident in Beijing. The idea of forming the society was initiated during demonstrations in support of the pro- democracy movement in China. It presently has about 700 members, including some of non-Chinese origin. The Society is one of the six member organizations of the North American Coalition for Chinese Democracy. According to its constitution, it aims to pro- mote democracy, freedom, human rights and lawful society in China. During the past two years, it organized or sponsored several events and activities to achieve this goal. These have included the sponsorship for two years of the Concert for Democracy in China, organization of "Democracy Month" activities, setting up a permanent Goddess of Democracy Statue at the University of British Columbia, and lobbying the Geneva Human Rights conferences. The VSSDM maintains its profile by the following activities: 1) educating the public on the democracy movement through the publication of articles, organization of semi- nars and presentation of speeches at schools and community centres; 2) lobbying the three levels of government and parliamen- tarians on support of the pro-democracy movement in China; and 3) strengthening relations with other democracy organiza- tions in the world, especially those in North America. 362 E. 10th Ave. Vancouver, B.C. VST 1Z7 Chairperson: Raymond Chan (604) 873-2189; fax (604) 873-2181 Vancouver Hong Kong Forum This organization was founded in April 1991 by a group of Vancouver residents con- cerned about Hong Kong's future. It now has a dozen active members, most of whom are Hong Kong immigrants. These people are attentively watching developments in the colony including such important issues as the Vietnamese boat people problem, the democ- racy and human rights movement, and the recent direct elections of members of the Legislative Council (Legco). The Forum organized the "Don't Forget Our Hong-Kong Roots Movement" in Vancouver and held a news conference last May. With the efforts of Forum members, over 100 landed immigrants who still have valid Hong Kong ID numbers were regis- tered for the September Legco elections. A voting delegation was formed to travel to Hong Kong as part of the larger North American delegauoa This has aroused con- troversy in the local Chinese community, but the organization insists on the justifica- tion of this activity. Although the Forum does not have an office, information can be obtained from its coordinator Alex Chan Dynamex Ltd. 2675 Boundary Rd. Vancouver, B.C. VSM 3Z5 (604) 876-9245 Chinese Students' Association of U.B.C. This association is the oldest Chinese student organization at the University of British Columbia and has existed for over forty years. There are presently more than 200 members. About half of the member- ship is originally from Hong Kong while the others are Chinese-Canadians. Its activities are predominantly social and a variety of events are held such as reg- ular dances. A Cantonese course is also offered to members free of charge. Another important objective of the association is to provide scholarships for its members. Box 25, Student Union Bldg. Univ. of British Columbia Vancouver, B.C. Pres.: Simon Gee (604) 228-4339 Chinese Students' Association of Simon Fraser Univ. (CSA) The oldest Chinese student organization at Simon Fraser, the CSA was established in 1965, at the same time as the founding of SFU. In 1991 it has a membership of about 90, the majority of whom are students from Hong Kong. The rest are from China, Taiwan and Singapore. The CSA is funded partly by the universtiy and partly through fund-raising events. Its two main purposes are: 1) to intro- duce Chinese culture to students from other countries and 2) to develop connections between members in order to help them adjust to Canadian life. Its major events this past year included the New Year Lion Dance, the "Art of the Dragon" Exhibition and the "Moon Cake Sale" for the Mid- Autumn Festival. It also organizes regular movie shows and outdoor activities. Last month it co-sponsored a cinema to raise money for China flood relief. Every Friday from noon to 1 :00 pm, the CSA broadests in Chinese on the SFU radio station CJIV. Its programmes include news, Chinese songs and comments on social events. 6725 Dumfries St Vancouver, B.C. V5P 3B8 Pres.: Amenda Lam (604) 324-3688 Associations, cont'd, page 16 UPDATE 15 Chinese-Canadian Associations in Toronto Chinese Canadian Intercultural Association (CCI) Founded in 1980, the CCI is a non-profit organization which today has a membership of about 850. It has pledged to continue the objectives of its founders: the promotion of Chinese-Canadian cultural exchanges and assistance to Chinese compatriots in areas of immigration, education, employment, health and welfare. Its activities include reg- ular recreational and commemorative activi- ties; classes and seminars on Chinese paint- ing and calligraphy, tai chi, cooking and needlework; exhibitions and free coun- selling and English classes. In 1984 the CCI founded the Dr. Sun Yat-Sen Chinese School which is situated at Baldwin and Huron Streets in the Chinatown area. 112 Huron St. Toronto, Ont. M5T 2B2 Pres.: Moon Lum Exec. Dir.: Yiu-Kuen Chan (416) 591-6347 Chinese Information & Community Services of Metro Toronto In 1968 a number of concerned Chinese students volunteered to provide interpreting services to Chinese residents in downtown Toronto. Initially a project under the University Settlement Recreation Centre, by 1974 the service became independent. The new organization, named Chinese Interpreter and Information Services, was then incorporated as a charitable organiza- tion. Its purpose was to facilitate the cultur- al, economic and political integration and adaptation of Chinese Canadians in Metro Toronto. Since its inception, the agency's services have grown to include its main office in the Cecil Community Centre since 1978 and a branch office in Scarborough established in 1982. In 1988 the agency was renamed the Chinese Information and Community Services. Its activities fall into six categories. The Information and Referral Services include interpretation, form-filling, referral and tele- phone information services. Newcomers Language Training Programs hold English- as-a-second-language (ESL) classes to pre- pare immigrants for citizenship. To facili- tate immigrants' adaptation to Canadian society, the Volunteer and Community by Irene Tong Toronto Development Programs recruit, train and place volunteers, organize workshops, semi- nars and mutual-aid groups and educate the public. Services pertaining to Community Relations are aimed at enhancing community orientation, political awareness and identifi- cation with Canada. They include leadership development programs, community network- ing and advocacy, forums and conferences. Senior Services are available to facilitate Chinese seniors' integration into Canadian society and to promote their physical and emotional well-being. For residents in Scarborough, Family Services provide indi- vidual and marriage counselling, family life education and assistance in family disputes. 58 Cecil Street Toronto, Ont. M5T 1N6 (416) 598-2022 Scarborough Branch 3852 Finch Ave. E., Suite 310 Scarborough, Ont. MIT 3T6 (416) 292-7510 Toronto Chinese Community Services Association (TCCSA) The TCCSA is conveniently located in the downtown Chinese area. It was founded in 1973 and registered as a non-profit organiza- tion in Ontario in 1976. Its stated mandate is "to assist newcomers to adapt to the Canadian style of living and become the mainstream of the Canadian mosaic." Its clients are ethnic Chinese who speak Cantonese, Mandarin or Vietnamese. It is supported by federal, provincial and municipal funding. Its services include counselling, ESL and citizenship preparation classes, visitation of seniors in hospitals and nursing homes, and the orientation of immigrants to Canadian policies through its bi-monthly information handbook. Its Chinese school and library hope to ensure the continuity of heritage languages for Chinese youth by providing reading materials in native Chinese lan- guages. In addition, seminars and work- shops, support and interest groups, cultural and recreational activities are organized to integrate Chinese immigrants into the wider Canadian community. 310 Spadina Ave., Suite 602 Toronto, Ont. M5T 2E8 (416) 977-4026 or 977-3689 Toronto-Hongkong Fellowship Association of Canada (THFA) The THFA was registered in 1988 as a non-profit organization with the objectives of promoting the spirit of mutual assistance among compatriots and showing concern for human rights and freedom in Hong Kong. It provides members from Hong Kong with information pertaining to immigration, employment, education and investment, thus promoting Canada-Hong Kong links. In addition, it hopes to promote harmonious relationships among racial and cultural groups within the community and their inte- gration into mainstream Canadian society. At present the Association has a mem- bership of 200-300 people, most of whom are recent immigrants from Hong Kong. The majority are business immigrants and professionals, such as lawyers, doctors, architects, social workers and entertainers. It has a 29-member Board of Directors, and its funding comes mainly from members' donations. Its future projects include the establish- ment of a permanent location for the Association and the creation of current affairs and elections groups to promote political participation among the Chinese community in Toronto. 112 Huron St. Toronto, Ont. M5T 2B2 Chair: Allen Leung (416) 591-6347 Federation of Chinese Canadians in Scarborough (FCCS) The FCCS is a community-based, non- racial, non-profit organization active in pro- moting human rights, race relations and muluculturalism. It was formed in 1984 in response to a number of racial incidents in Scarborough, namely the "Dragon Mall Incident" and the hate literature issue. The main objectives of the FCCS are advocating and promoting equality and human rights of all residents in Scarborough; encouraging greater participa- tion by and integration of the Scarborough Chinese community in the city's social, cul- tural, economic and political life; and pro- moting cooperation and communication among Chinese Canadian organizations and residents in Scarborough. 16 UPDATE In the past few years the Federation has been active in promoting race relatioas and community participation in Scarborough. In 1984 along with other Chinese community organizations, it successfully orchestrated a deputation to the Scarborough City Council which resulted in the passage of a motion to condemn the distribution of hate literature in Scarborough. It also spearheaded the cam- paign for the Heritage Language Program in Scarborough and participated actively as a member of the Policy Advisory Committee of the Scarborough Board of Education in the development and implementation of a policy amenable to better ethnic and racial relations and multiculturalism. Apart from co-sponsoring youth confer- ences, educational conferences and semi- nars, the FCCS advocates human rights issues together with other Chinese commu- nity and ethno-cultural groups. These issues have included the redress of the Head Tax and Chinese Exclusion Act and the 1989 pro-democracy movement in China. To pro- mote the participation of Chinese- Canadians in mainstream Canadian life, the organization developed a community pro- ject called "Participation '89" and published a bilingual pamphlet on grassroots commu- nity participation. In 1991 a well-attended "Cultural Awareness Night" was organized to promote understanding and interaction among Scarborough residents. P.O. Box 547 4245 Sheppard Ave. E. Scarborough, Ont. MIS 3V6 Pres.: Dr. Anthony Kwok (416) 321-3703 or 291-3117 The Mandarin Club of Toronto The Mandarin Club is registered as a non-profit, non-share-holding corporation which was founded four or five years ago by a "group of dedicated, socially conscious and community -oriented Chinese and Canadian businessmen and businesswom- en." It is managed by professionals under the supervision of the Board of Directors. Its objective is to establish a world-class, private membership organization that pro- vides a core for business, personal and cul- tural life. It has also established reciprocal relationships with prestigious clubs in Hong Kong, Taipei, Singapore and China. Its membership in 1990-91 was 675, the majority of whom were Chinese with about 20% non-Chinese. Members are mainly doc- tors, lawyers, accountants and real estate investors - a fact which the Club hopes will Dragon City - the Mandarin Club revamp the image of the Hong Kong investor from that of a small-time operator to someone "to be taken seriously." It is now planning to solicit members in Hong Kong. Apart from inviting prominent people to speak during special dinner events and from being a centre for business networking, the Club also provides members, many of whom are new immigrants, with a superb Cantonese cuisine and dining environment, as well as recreational and health facilities. A major undertaking last year was the pur- chase of a $7.5 million golf club in Richmond Hill. 280 Spadina Ave. Toronto, OnL M5T 3A5 Chair: Herbert Chang (416)979-7110 Chinese Chamber of Commerce (East Toronto) Chinatown East includes the Broadview, Eastern, Greenwood and Danforth areas. Although it is not as big as Chinatown West (Spadina and Dundas), it already comprises about 400 stores, most of which are restau- rants, groceries and beauty salons. About half of these businesses have joined the CCC (East Toronto). The CCC East was established seven years ago to promote cooperation among Chinese-Canadians and other Canadians and to provide a liaison with different levels of government to ensure the security and success of businesses in the neighbourhood. In the past two years, the CCC has worked with both municipal and provincial govern- ments to improve the garbage and parking problems as well as crime prevention in the area. It also sponsors cultural activities such as the Canada Day celebration and Chinatown East Week to enhance inter-cul- tural understanding. Its president and one of the ten founders of the organization, Mr. Victor Lee, seeks to increase the number of Chinese -speaking employees in government and social service agencies in the area. Currently, the CCC hopes to secure the support of at least two-thirds of local busi- nesses to bring Chinatown East under the umbrella of the Business Improvement Area (BIA) program On a wider scale, Mr. Lee is working with two other Chinese business associations - the Toronto Chinese Business Association and Scarborough/North York/ Markham Business Association - to estab- lish a Chinese Business Association of Ontario. Its main purpose would be to han- dle issues concerning Chinese Canadians at the provincial and federal levels. There are also plans to establish a national organiza- tion to represent Chinese Business Associations in Canada. Chinese Student Organizations at University of Toronto 1) Association of Chinese Students and Scholars (ACSS) Funded by the Chinese Embassy in Toronto, the ACSS emphasizes social rather than political activities. Its main objective is to provide assistance to Chinese students and scholars at the university during their stay in Canada. Activities include outings, dances, Chinese film shows and counselling. Membership, which is presently 480, is lim- ited to PRC students, visiting scholars and their spouses. The ACSS is affiliated with the national Federation of Chinese Students and Scholars in Canada (FCSSC). Contact person: Fang Jun Massey College, 4 Devonshire PI. Univ. of Toronto Toronto, Ont. M5S 2E1 (416) 348-9003 2) Mandarin Chinese Students' Association Formed in October 1990, this organiza- tion aims to provide social events for Mandarin-speaking students. Its member- ship, now over 180, consists primarily of students from Taiwan but also includes some from Hong Kong and Mainland China. Contact person: Vivien Tang 81 Wilkinson Dr. Willowdale, Ont. M2J 3Z6 (416) 499-3549 Associations, cont'd, page 18 UPDATE 17 Associations, from page 17 3) Univ. of Toronto China Affairs Association First registered at U. of T. in September 1989 as the Association of U. of T. Chinese Students Concerned for the Student Movement in China, it was started in response to the 1989 massacre in Peking. At the time it had a membership of 50-60 peo- ple, the majority of whom were students from Hong Kong but also included some Canadian Chinese and non-Chinese. This past year it has kept a low profile and has only about 10-20 active members, all of whom are students from Hong Kong. About half of these are visa students. Concerned with current affairs in China and Hong Kong, it was very active in the summer and fall of 1989. Its activities included issuing statements, organization of study groups and film shows and the publi- cation of news updates. It also organized a signature campaign to petition the Foreign Minister of Canada and the Prime Minister of Britain for support of Hong Kong peo- ple's right of abode in Britain. Contact person: Patrick Ma Apt. #806, 401 Queen's Quay West Toronto, Ont. M5V 2Y2 (416) 280-1898 4) The University of Toronto Chinese Alumni Association (UTCAA) Composed of about 50 graduates from U. of T., the main purpose of this organiza- tion is to maintain the contacts of Chinese students after graduatioa Most of these stu- dents were active as undergraduates in the Chinese Students' Association. Contact person: Dominic Su 248 Alexmuir Blvd. Scarborough, OnL M1V 1T7 (416) 754-0896 Chinese Student Organizations at York University 1) York Univ. Chinese Students' Association This association was formed in the late 1970's with the aim of helping Chinese stu- dents adjust to and integrate into the univer- sity community. Its primary activities on campus are social, including participation in York Multicultural Week. It also publishes a newsletter for members, in addition to supporting the Chinese campus newspaper Jin Xue. Its functions beyond the campus include participation in the 1991 United Way Walkathon and the coordination of 14 Chinese Students Associations of Ontario in fund-raising efforts for China flood relief. The majority of members come original- ly from Hong Kong and are divided almost equally between visa students and landed immigrants. There are also several members from Taiwan and Southeast Asia. The orga- nization is open to all undergraduates, including Canadians of non-Chinese back- ground. It is partly funded by the Y.U. Federation of Students and partly by mem- bership fees and the annual fund-raising dance. Contact person: Angus Chan Student Centre, Suite 448 York University North York, Ont. M3J 1P3 (416) 490-6817 hotline: 736-2100, ext. 20495 2) York Univ. Chinese Alumni Association This newly formed association (Sept. 1991) is the first cultural alumni chapter supported by York University. It was found- ed by five graduate students who feel there is a need to maintain communication after graduation, especially since many former students return to Hong Kong to work and subsequently re-enter Canada as immi- grants. As the Association is open to all interested undergraduates and graduates, its membership is expected to be large. It plans to publish a newsletter and will support Chinese alumni at other universities in forming their respective alumni associa- tions. Chairperson: Angus Chan c/o York Alumni Association West Office Building York University North York, Ont. M3J 1P3 Chinatown East, Toronto Bill of Rights Conference To mark Hong Kong's entry into a new legal era, the Faculty of Law of the University of Hong Kong held a three day conference on the Bill of Rights at the end of June. The conference was sponsored in part by the Government of Canada, which has shown a sympathetic attitude towards the introduction of a bill of rights. Canada, as one of the few common law countries to have a charter of rights, is also well placed to give help to Hong Kong legal authorities in implementing their new bill, especially through the use of case law. Wang Gungwu, the Vice Chancellor of the University of Hong Kong, opened the conference. He underlined the importance of the execution of the Bill of Rights (on June 8, 1991), but warned that the Bill was not perfect in itself. Its implementation depended on the probity and honesty of lawyers, on the maintenance of the rule of law, and on the value given to human rights by the people of Hong Kong. The keynote speaker was Sir Derek Cons, Vice-President of the Court of Appeals of the Supreme Court of Hong Kong, who spoke about the challenges of implementing a bill of rights. Philip Dykes, the Assistant Solicitor-General of Hong Kong, was caught in the Philippines by the eruption of Mount Pinatubo. His speech, which was read for him, described the evo- lution of the Hong Kong Bill of Rights. He made reference to the role in drafting the Bill played by Mr. Justice Barry Strayer, of the Federal Court of Canada. Another absent speaker was Professor Gong Xiangrui, of Peking University, who was, for unspecified reasons, unable to attend the conference. His paper, which was read by the conference convenor, Dr. Johannes Chan of the University of Hong Kong, came out in favour of both Hong Kong and China moving with the 'interna- tional flow towards human rights,' but noted that human rights required freedom of expression and assembly and the tolerance of minority opinions. Professor Gong's absence was the subject of considerable press coverage; he was interviewed from Peking by telephone but could give no clear reason why he had not been able to go to the conference. The assumption in the Hong Kong press and at the conference was that the conclusion of his paper - that the Bill of Rights was not incompatible with the Basic 18 UPDATE Law - was the cause of his absence. The Canadian speakers at the conference all presented analyses of the working of the Charter of Rights in Canada. Chief Superintendent Cummins (Vancouver RCMP) reassured the audience that the Charter had not proved to be a 'criminals' charter' and that although the Charter had forced some changes in law enforcement, it had not diluted its effectiveness. Professor Rosemary Cairns Way (University of Ottawa) spoke about the revitalising role of the Charter within Canadian legal process. Judge Walter Tamopolsky (Ontario Supreme Court of Appeal) delivered a paper on equality and discriminatory prac- tices. Retired Supreme Court Justice Bertha Wilson spoke about the effect that the Charter has had on the rights of women. Frank Stock, the Hong Kong Solicitor General spoke of the challenge of the Bill of Rights, and of Hong Kong's duty to give it life. He thanked Canada for her help in bringing it into being and said that Justice Strayer's advice had been of immeasurable value. The first challenge under the Bill, on June 26th, came just after the conference. In district court, Judge Cameron refused to sign orders preventing three people who owed taxes from leaving Hong Kong, on the grounds that Section 8 of the Bill of Rights gives people the right to leave the territory. Judge Cameron was reported as saying that 32 orders had been signed since June 8th, the day the Bill became law, but only after the conference did judges become aware that such orders might be in contravention of the Bill. Legal Issues Workshop by William Angus Toronto Entitled "Canada-Hong Kong: Some Legal Considerations," a workshop, sponsored by the Canada and Hong Kong Research Project of the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, was held June 26, 1991, at Robert Black College of the University of Hong Kong. Jointly orga- nized with the UHK Faculty of Law, the work- shop was convened by Johannes Chan of the UHK Law Faculty and William Angus from Osgoode Hall Law School of York University. Vice-Chancellor Wang Gungwu of the University of Hong Kong opened the proceed- ings with some amusing and thoughtful obser- vations of historical and legal dimensions. The ensuing sessions were chaired by Diana Lary of York University and Johannes Chan. Proceedings focused on the presentation of five papers: "Hong Kong's International Personality: Issues and Implications" by Roda Mushkat from the host Law Faculty, "Coming and Going Under Immigration and Refugee Law" by William Angus; "Personal and Corporate Status in Hong Kong" by Philip Smart of the UHK Faculty of Law; "Civil Proceedings Arrangements between Hong Kong and Canada: Service of Documents, Taking of Evidence and Enforcement of Judgments" by Maurice Copithome from the Faculty of Law at the University of British Columbia; and "Extradition Between Hong Kong and Canada" by Janice Brabyn of the Faculty of Law, UHK. Following each paper, the approximately 25 invited guests from various Canadian and Hong Kong backgrounds discussed its content and offered further observations. The revised papers will shortly be published as a mono- graph by the Canada and Hong Kong Project. In view of the success of this workshop, its convenors are considering a similar proceeding in Toronto during the Hong Kong in Canada Festival next fall Media Workshop by Janet A . Rubinoff Toronto Another Project workshop, 'Dialogue on Hong Kong: Coverage of Hong Kong Issues in the Canadian Media," was held in Vancouver on June 15, 1991. The workshop was co-sponsored by the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada. The 30 invited partici- pants included members of the English and Chinese Canadian media as well as academics and representatives from provincial and feder- al government agencies, the Hong Kong Trade Development Council, the Asia Pacific Foundation, the Vancouver and Toronto police, and local Chinese-Canadian communi- ty organizations. The workshop opened with remarks by Graeme McDonald, President of the Asia Pacific Foundation, who stressed the growing mutual interdependence of Canada and Hong Kong - not only in terms of business and trade but also in terms of human relationships and ideas. Four sessions focused on media cover- age of investment and trade, the impact of Hong Kong immigration, political issues, and special concerns including immigrant prob- lems, Chinese-language coverage and ethical aspects. Highlights of the discussions included the substantial growth and importance of Hong Kong investment in Canada, the effec- tiveness of Business and Entrepreneur Immigrant Programs from both provincial and federal perspectives, the changing focus of immigration flows to Canada and government planning, and the tendency of the press to emphasize the more negative rather than posi- tive aspects of this immigration process. Of particular concern was the sensitive issue of reporting "Asian Crime," avoiding stereotypes, and the importance of disseminat- ing accurate information to the press, includ- ing statistics on crimes committed by Asian immigrants and refugees. Other topics dis- cussed in the afternoon sessions included civil rights in Hong Kong and coverage of complex legal issues such as the new Bill of Rights, the media in Hong Kong and its reporting of Canadian issues that affect immigration, dif- ferences in the emphasis of Qu6bec's immi- gration policy and its effect on Chinese- Canadians. Issues raised included the predom- inant negative images of new Hong Kong immigrants in the press, the reporting on prob- lems experienced by Asian newcomers to Canada, and the specific problems of the Chinese-language press in covering Hong Kong immigration issues. Peter Desbarals, Dean of the Graduate School of Journalism at the University of Western Ontario, concluded the workshop with a discussion of broad ethi- cal issues in press coverage, such as the prob- lems of sensationalism, competitiveness and negativism He emphasized the positive devel- opments of a more diversified media and bel- ter educated, self-critical reporters. The list of speakers included Victor Fung of the Financial Post, Louis Ferguson and Mildred Morton of Employment and Immigration Canada; John Gray, Director of Business Immigration, Government of British Columbia; Kevin Griffin from the Vancouver Sun, Sgt. Benjamin Eng, Metropolitan Toronto Police; Prof. Maurice Copithome of UBC, Faculty of Law; Prof. Anthony Chan, School of Communications, Univ. of Washington; Luc Chartrand of I'Actualite; Prof. Bernard Luk, Dept. of History, York University, Paul Tsang from Sing Too Newspapers, Vancouver; and Prof. Peter Desbarats, Univ. of Western Ontario. A transcript of the proceedings is in prepara- tion and will be available soon from the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies. UPDATE 19 CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Editors Diana Lary Janet A. Rubinoff Illustration & Design IMS Creative Communications Contributors William Angus Phil Calvert Susan Henders Paul L.M. Lee Paul Levine D. Wendy McCallum Bob Perrins Hugh XiaobingTan Irene Tong Canada and Hong Kong Update is published three times a year by the Canada and Hong Kong Project, Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies. The Joint Centre has recently moved its offices. (Please note our new address and fax number.) Suite 270, York Lanes, York University, 4700 Keele St, | North York, Ontario, CANADA M3J 1P3 Telephone: (416)736-5784 Fax:(416)736-5688 Opinions expressed in this newsjoumal are those of the author alone. CANADA AND HONG KONG PROJECT Director Coordinator Diana Lary Janet A. Rubinoff Advisory Board David Bond Denise Chong Maurice Copithome Dr. Bernie Frolic John Higginbotham Graeme McDonald Dr. T.G. McGee Jules Nadeau Dr. William Saywell Dr. Wang Gungwu We want to thank the Dormer Canadian Foundation for its very generous support which has made this project possible. The Foundation's long-standing interest in Canada' s international relations with Asia has enabled us to conduct research which we consider to be of great significance for the future of the country. This publication is free. Please call or write to us for past or future issues. Hong Kong Seminar at CASA Meetings Brock University by Bob Perrins Toronto A session devoted to Hong Kong issues was one of the best attended at the recent Canadian Asian Studies Association (CASA) conference held at Brock University, October 4-6, 1991. The high turnout for this session reflects a heightened interest in Hong Kong amongst not only the general population but also within the community of specialists in East Asian Studies. As 1997 draws near scholars are attempting to understand the colony's past and present as well as to formu- late various scenarios of what the future may hold. The papers that were presented at Brock University reflect these efforts and demon- strate that no consensus exists regarding Hong Kong's post-1997 status. Claude Comtois of the Universite de Montreal addressed the historical role that Hong Kong has played as a trading and finan- cial hub in Britain's relations with China. He discussed the recent Sino-British negotiations over the PADS project and placed them with- in a historical context His paper analyzed the short, medium and long-term implications of the final settlement Dr. Bernard Luk of York University addressed the fact that Hong Kong as a distinct entity has largely been neglected by historians; he concluded that as much research as possible must be conducted soon for scholars' access to sources after 1997 is of some doubt Maurice Copithome of the University of British Columbia presented a paper on the history of Hong Kong's involvement and membership in numerous international bod- ies. Professor Copithome contended that the colony's legal position within these bodies is well established, and he predicted that Hong Kong will retain some degree of indepen- dence and identity after 1997 because of its membership in these international agencies. Sonny Lo from the University of Toronto dis- cussed the problem of perception in Sino- British relations with regard to Hong Kong. He noted that a great deal of misunderstand- ing on both sides has resulted in recent acri- monious negotiations, most notably those that dealt with the PADS project Professor Ruth Hayhoe of the University of Toronto (Ontario Institute for Studies in Education) chaired the session, and Jules Nadeau of the Universite du Quebec a Montreal was the discussant Future Workshops Two Project workshops will be held in January of 1992. The first, "Quebec et Hong Kong," will be held on January 8th at the Universite du Quebec a Montreal and will focus on Quebec immi- gration issues and policies. The convenors are Prof. Claude-Yves Charrron and Jules Nadeau, both of the University du Quebec a Montreal, department de commu- nications. The second workshop, "Hong Kong-China Relations: Economic and Social Dimensions," is sched- uled in Vancouver at the University of British Columbia on January 17-18th. Jointly convened by Prof. Graham Johnson of the Department of Anthropology and Sociology, UBC and Prof. B. Michael Frolic, Department of Political Science, York University, the workshop will explore eco- nomic and cultural aspects of the relationship between Hong Kong and South China. New Books and Articles on Hong Kong The Hidden Establishment: The Inside Story of Canada's International Business Elite, by Brian Milner, Viking, 1991. "From a Segregated Minority to Chinese Citizens: the Hong Kong Immigrants in Toronto," by Makio Morikawa, in Proceedings of the First Tsukuba Seminar on Canadian Studies, 1990, pp. 100-17. "Personal Relations and Divergent Economies: a Case Study of Hong Kong Investment in South China," by Alan and Josephine Smart, in International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, v.15, no.2, 1991, pp. 216-233. c I ^m* CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Number 6 WINTER 1992 HSTIVALHONC; KONG 9 Bridge Across the Pacific ■ ££ ^ Wfc 5% : M 7)Q IW ■ Pont Sur Le Pacifique Festival Hong Kong 92. to be held this autumn, is the second of the reciprocal festi- vals celebrating the Canada/Hong Kong rela- tionship. Festival Canada was held in June last year (see Update 5). While all of Festival Canada's events were held in one place, the size of Canada means that Festival Hong Kong will be held in several cities. It will start with a gala function in Toronto. Festival events in Toronto will be spread over the week September 28-October 4. During October, Festival celebrations will be held in Ottawa, Montreal, and Calgary and will end in Vancouver on October 22. The governor of Hong Kong is expected to attend the Vancouver part of the Festival. (The present governor. Sir David Wilson, visited Ottawa and Toronto in 1990, but was not able to visit Vancouver then). The motto of Festival Hong Kong is "Bridge across the Pacific/Pont sur le Pacifique." Some of the events of the Festival will originate in Hong Kong and will be coordinated by a steering committee there which is chaired by the secretary for Recreation and Culture. These events will include cultural and sporting events, a film festival, trade seminars and store promotions. Local committees in the five places where Festival activities will be held (Calgary. Montreal, Ottawa, Toronto, and Vancouver) will be organizing a complementary program to bring in local organizations with an inter- est in Hong Kong. These will include busi- ness, academic, cultural and social activities. Some of the funding for the Festival will be provided by the Hong Kong Government, and other parts will be raised from private sponsorships as was the case with Festival Canada. An office has been set up in Toronto by the Hong Kong Government to provide information on the Festival: Tony Dickinson Agnes Tse Festival Administrator Assistant Festival Administrator Suite 5900, One First Canadian Place. Toronto M5X 1K2 Tel: (416)777-2209 FAX: (416) 777-2217 IN THIS ISSUE: Festival Hong Kong '92 1 Emigration of Business & Professionals 2 Hong Kong Recruitment 4 The Points System and its Implementation 4 per F1029.5 H6 C36 Pre-migration Programs in Hong Kong 5 Immigration Applications 6 British Parliament. Citizenship & HK Indians. .6 Beijing Update 8 Political Implications of Lu Ping's Visit to HK 8 Canadian Politicians. China & Hong Kong 9 Canadian Organizations in Hong Kong 1 1 Goddess of Democracy Erected at UBC 12 West's Democracy Push 13 HK Visa Students in Metro Toronto 14 Quebec-Hong Kong Colloque 15 Hong Kong and Its Hinterland Workshop 16 CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Editors Diana Lary Bernard Luk Janet A. Rubinoff Illustration & IMS Creative Design Communications Contributors Philip Calvert Harriet Clompus Rup Narayan Das Jane Greaves Paul L.M.Lee Alan Nash Shum Kwok-cheung Hugh Xiaobing Tan t anada and Hong Kong Update is published three times a year by the Canada and Hong Kong Project Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies. Suite 270. York Lanes, York University, 4700 Keele St., North York, Ontario, CANADA M3J 1P3 Telephone: (416) 736-5784 Fax:(416)736-5688 Opinions expressed in this newsjoumal are those of the author alone. CANADA AND HONG KONG PROJECT Dun tor Diana Lary Assoc. Director Bernard Luk Coordinator Advisory Board Janet A. Rubinoff David Bond Denise Chong Maurice Copithome B. Michael Frolic John Higginbotham Graeme McDonald T.G. McGee Jules Nadeau William Saywell Wang Gungwu We want to thank the Donner Canadian Foundation for its very generous support which has made this project possible. The Foundation's long-standing interest in Canada's international relations with Asia has enabled us to conduct research which we consider to be of great significance for the future of the country. This publication is free. Please call or write to us for past or future issues. The Emigration of Business People and Professionals from Hong Kong by Alan Nash Concordia University, Montreal The effects of emigration upon Hong Kong have been the focus of considerable controversy among academics, journalists, government officials and business people. Certainly, the evidence is not always as unambiguous as one might wish. Nevertheless, the broad outlines of the pic- ture are beginning to emerge, and it is the purpose of this article to report on research in two areas of current concern: the emigra- tion of business people and professionals. First, let us consider the emigration of professionals. The annual movement of those in the category defined as "profes- sionals, managers, administrators and tech- nicians" from Hong Kong has represented approximately a quarter of the colony's total losses through emigration since 1987. The annual figures are estimated to be 7,400, 1 1.200. 9.800 and 14,500 respective- ly. However, Paul Kwong [The Other Hong Kong Report 1990] has argued that such a figure of 24%. the official government esti- mate, gives a misleading picture of the true extent of these losses. He gives three reasons. First, if these emigration statistics are re-expressed according to the number of families leav- ing, then the emigration of those headed by professionals would be responsible for 62% of the total number of families leaving the colony. Second, in terms of their impact on the existing size of particular professions in Hong Kong, as measured by the 1986 cen- sus, the losses can be severe. Calculations for the period 1987-1988 indicate "deple- tion rates" of 10% for Hong Kong's stock of engineers, 13% for doctors and dentists, and 35% for the colony's computer pro- grammers and system analysts. Third, although professional, administrative and managerial losses are portrayed as only 24% of Hong Kong's emigration losses, they in fact represent 50% of the colony's annual emigration of "economically-active" people. If this estimate is correct and such rates of emigration continue until 1997, then as Ronald Skeldon has recently remarked, "perhaps a quarter of a million of Hong Kong's best and brightest will depart before the Chinese takeover" [Pacific Affairs 63. Winter 1990-91 : 5 10). Certainly, many more professionals have expressed their desire to leave the colony in the future. A recent article in the prestigious American magazine. The Atlantic Monthly, (April 1991 ) argued that 98% of Hong Kong's pharmacists, 80% of its accountants and 63% of the govern rent's doctors were planning to leave the colony before 1997. That such estimates are not exaggerated is clear from a comparison with the careful examination conducted by Kwong. His data show that of the colony's accountants, 66% of a group of 4,600 surveyed in late 1989 had applied for foreign passports, and an additional 27% planned to emigrate. Of the colony's pharmacists, 48% of an early 1990 survey already held foreign passports, and a further 43% planned to emigrate. Overall, the best summary of the situation is provid- ed by Hong Kong's Institute of Personnel Management (IPM). On the basis of a 1989 survey of its membership, IPM argued that approximately 50% of all personnel man- agers, engineers and bankers would "proba- bly" or "definitely" leave the colony by 1997. Indeed, Patrick Maule, the principal investigator of the IPM survey, remarked in late 1989 that "the proportion of profession- als wishing to emigrate could have reached 71% by now." The effects of this large and ongoing loss of professionals on Hong Kong are already profound. Commentators have drawn attention to the growing labour short- age in the colony (over 120.000 in 1989), to the current acute shortage of certain groups (such as teachers and pharmacists), to the need to increase salaries in order to encour- age key workers to remain (by as much as 27% in some sectors), to the loss of educat- ed workers (almost 15% of Hong Kong emigrants in 1989 had degree-level educa- tion, compared to a figure of only 3.5% for the general population), to increased staff turnover (as much as 33% in some cases) and, unfortunately, to fraud and corruption as unscrupulous individuals from Hong Kong and elsewhere have sought to meet the demand for foreign passports. The Asian Development Bank in its comments on Hong Kong contained in the report, Asian Development Outlook for 2 UPDATE 1991, concluded that "weak fixed invest- ment growth and continued emigration of professionals and skilled workers have lim- ited the capacity for an early return to the high growth rates experienced in the past." a \ lew w ith which the firm Price Waterhouse has recently concurred. In the face of this, it is perhaps little wonder that businesses have begun to leave the colony. In this respect, Cathay Pacific's recent move of its comput- ing operations to Australia is but one exam- ple of a grow ing trend. Businesses have also began to leave Hong Kong in growing numbers because of the recent development, particularly by Canada and Australia (and in the USA since 1990), of another stream of emigration - one specifically targeted at entrepreneurs and investors in the colony, that of "busi- ness migration." Indeed, it could be argued that both these countries have tolerated the large increase of Hong Kong immigration in recent years because it brings with it entrepreneurs and investors. Certainly, it appears that business migration programs in both countries have become increasingly tailored to meet the needs of the Hong Kong business person. The Canadian business migration pro- gram, which has been in operation since 1978. has three components: the "self- employed" (who are required to create their own employment), the "entrepreneur" (who must establish a business that hires at least one Canadian), and the "investor" (who must possess a minimum net personal worth of Cdn$500.000 and must commit at least Cdn$250,OOO for a five year period to an investment that contributes to business development and job creation, a component only in operation since January 1986). Of these three, the entrepreneur component has comprised approximately 75% of all admis- sions made under the program. The Australian program (which operated between 1976 and 1991 when it was replaced by an "independent-business skills" category) sought those who would transfer to Australia assets of at least Aus$500,000 "for the purposes of engaging in a commercial enterprise of benefit to Australia." Data for these programs show that busi- ness migration was responsible for 15% (4,760) of all Hong Kong immigration into Australia between 1982 and 1988, and for 19% (7,574) of Hong Kong immigration into Canada over the years 1987 to 1988. It is aKo worth noting that Hong Kong busi- ness migrants account for the majority of those entering Canada and Australia under such programs. ( )t the total number of entrepreneur and investor immigrants who arrived in Canada in 1988 (4,437), those from Hong Kong accounted for 37'< or 1 ,633 cases. Of the total number of 1 ,864 business migrant visas issued in Australia between July 1988 and March 1989, Hong Kong cases accounted for 887 or 48< < of the total. An impression of the economic impact on Hong Kong of such business migration to Australia and Canada can be readily gained from the following statistics. During the three year period 1984 to 1986. Hong Kong entrepreneur migrants planned to cre- ate or retain 1 1 ,979 jobs in Canada; those arriving in 1988 alone planned to create or retain 8.654 jobs. Of more concern, perhaps, are the data on the movement of funds. By 1989 the total amount of funds transferred to Canada by all migrants from Hong Kong in that year was Cdn$3.5 billion, of which some $2.21 billion or 63% was to be trans- ferred by the business migration compo- nent. Since it is estimated that the total dol- lar flow (including investments) from Hong Kong to Canada in 1989 was approximately Cdn$5 billion, this means that business immigration from Hong Kong was responsi- ble for 44% of the total flow of funds in that year and overall immigration from Hong Kong for 70%. Data for 1990 are still very preliminary, but the consensus points to a figure of approximately CdnS4 billion as the amount estimated to be transferred by all emigrants from Hong Kong to Canada. In fact, such a figure is quoted in the official Canadian government briefing book used for Prime Minister Brian Mulroney's 1991 visit to the Crown Colony. If we assume that the pro- portion of this flow contributed by business migration remains the same as in 1989. this would mean that some Cdn$2.5 billion was transferred by business migrants to Canada from Hong Kong in 1990. Turning to Australia. Kwong has esti- mated that the 900 business migrant fami- lies from Hong Kong who received visas in 1989-90 transferred Aus$432 million to Australia in that fiscal year. This figure rep- resents 84% of that transferred by all Hong Kong migrants to Australia in 1989-90. a total of Aus$512 million. As far as Hong Kong itself is concerned. business migration programs are clearK responsible for significant losses in both business people and funds to the colony. During the year 1988-89 alone, a total ol 2,520 business people emigrated from Hong Kong to Canada and Australia where they planned to create 15,750 jobs. Those that had left during 1987-88 indicated that the) were transferring a total of HKS14.7 billion out of the colony, those that left in 1989-90 took approximately HKS 15.64 billion. According to one Australian banker, this figure represents almost half the entire amount transferred by all Hong Kong migrants and investors to these two coun- tries in 1989 and 25% of the total world- wide transfer of funds from the colony in that year. Such figures are estimates for only annual periods. Clearly, the total loss to the colony from the inception of such programs to at least 1997 can only be guessed at. but must be of considerable magnitude. The challenge that Hong Kong now faces, therefore, is how to solve the many problems posed by such a drain of skills and resources due to the emigration of profes- sionals and business people. It would be inhumane and illegal under international law to prevent emigration from the colony. However, it is not with such a response that the solution lies. Rather, existing govern- ment policies to combat the problem should continue. These have been styled "retain and retrain" in the case of those designed directly to combat the brain drain, and "new crew" in the case of those designed through education and overseas recruitment to replace those lost to Hong Kong. Moreover, the potential of the one major influx of pop- ulation that Hong Kong has received - and most commentators ignore in this regard - its refugee and illegal immigrant population of approximately 50.000. ought not to be overlooked by the Hong Kong authorities. However, as the evidence abundantly indicates, these strategies alone are inade- quate. For example, by February 1991 far fewer people than expected had applied for British citizenship - an important plank in the scheme to retain key workers in Hong Kong. Evidently, the lack of Chinese com- mitment to recognize such arrangements after 1997 and the unattractiveness of the British economy relative to that of North America have effectively eliminated this approach as a solution. Emigration, cont'd page 4 UPDATE 3 Emigration, cont'd from page 3 Similarly, despite HK government opti- mism, return migration rates are woefully low, and recruitment campaigns overseas have so far achieved very little. The Hong Kong Social Welfare Department's 1989 campaign only resulted in seven Canadian applicants (only two of whom could come in 1990), whereas total vacancies totalled 593 posts. Expanded tertiary education also faces ever-increasing losses as students themselves go overseas. Rather, the answer rests with those coun- tries that have sought after Hong Kong's business emigrants and professionals. They must be persuaded to renounce the lure of what seems to be "easy money" and skills, and instead to demonstrate their professed faith in Hong Kong's continued economic future. The various business migration pro- grams that these countries have focused on Hong Kong, by their very nature, clearly do not do this. Therefore, at the very least. Hong Kong ought to insist that they be abandoned and demand that they be replaced by sup- portive economic policies and emigration programs which are sensitive to the needs of Hong Kong rather than to those of the USA, Britain, Canada or Australia. Hong Kong Recruitment Emigration from Hong Kong, plus eco- nomic expansion, has created a shortage of skilled manpower which by 1996 will be acute. Even the rapid expansion of tertiary education will not be enough to prevent a shortfall of over 30% in Hong Kong's needs in 1996 [John Chan, Secretary for Education and Manpower, speech, 19 July 1991]. One of the ways in which this short- fall will be filled is by recruiting qualified overseas people, including emigrants from Hong Kong now living abroad. The govern- ment of Hong Kong has entered into a joint venture with the Hong Kong Institute of Personnel Management, the Hongkong Bank, and other private sector interests to set up Hong Kong IPM Manpower International. This is a non-profit company whose task will be to identify qualified applicants abroad and match them with Hong Kong employers. Toronto is to be a major focus of activity, given the large number of potential candidates there. The company is also setting up a computer data 1 M\M Mm U4ii. 1 B^H^D base, IPM-NET, which will allow overseas candidates to learn about vacancies in Hong Kong and employers in Hong Kong to iden- tify suitable candidates for jobs. One area where the shortage of local candidates is most acute is in the Hong Kong university system. At the end of November, the Hong Kong Trade Development Council in Toronto arranged a major event for the seven publicly-funded institutions of tertiary education in Hong Kong, at the Metro Toronto Convention Centre, called "Accept the Challenge: Career Opportunities in Tertiary Education in Hong Kong." The purpose was to provide information for people interested in working in Hong Kong's universities. This was the first of five sessions (the others were held in Chicago, San Francisco, London and Glasgow) whose object was to recruit new staff for the burgeoning tertiary education sector in Hong Kong and to replace aca- demics who have emigrated from Hong Kong. Thomas Wu, one of the organizers of the event, estimates that from 400-500 people attended the Toronto seminar, and over 1 70 resumes were received from prospective job applicants. Over the next three years, the HK Trade Development Council hopes to recruit from 2000-3000 people for a variety of university positions. Plans are now in progress for similar seminars in Australia, Singapore and Taiwan for the late spring; another recruitment event is also planned for Toronto in the fall to coincide with Festival Hong Kong '92. The Points System and its Implementation Independent immigrants to Canada are processed on a point system which mea- sures a variety of personal attributes, includ- ing the demand for a particular occupation in Canada. Though most categories within the point system do not change, the weight- ing for occupational demand does, in rela- tion to the employment situation in Canada. Information on weightings is published by the CEIC regularly and in an area of emi- gration such as Hong Kong, is republished in the local media. The weightings are of great concern to potential emigrants because a low score may put an applicant below the 70 points required to qualify for immigrant status. In the process of application, a would-be immigrant first fills in a pre-application questionnaire (PAQ). which is checked to see whether it is worth making a formal application. PAQs normally run far above formal applications. The purpose of the PAQ is to save a person who is unlikely to be given landed immigrant status the trouble of applying and to save the application fee. It also cuts down the processing work for Canadian immigration officials. The system works well - unless there is a major change in the occupational demand weighting while the PAQ is being processed. A recent Federal Court of Appeal ruling (December 1991 ) concerning an applicant from Hong Kong, Yee Chuen-choi, shows what may happen. In between Mr. Yee's PAQ being processed in October 1987 and his formal application being made in November, the weighting for his occupa- tion, business analyst, plummeted from ten points to one. When his formal application was processed, he received only 65 points, instead of the 74 he would have received a month before. This put him out of the run- ning for a visa. The Federal Court found that he should have been allowed to apply directly for a visa in October, instead of being put through the PAQ process First. The court found that potential applicants should be given enough information to decide for themselves which path to choose. Representatives from tertiary educational institutions in Hong Kong. 4 UPDATE Pre-migration Programs in Hong Kong Emigration from Hong Kong to Canada has increased rapidly in the last decade. In human terms this figure represents a great deal of potential anxiety and trauma as peo- ple face the difficulty of adjusting from one culture to another. While there are several long-standing post-migration organizations in Canada to offer assistance to new immigrants from Hong Kong, until recently there have been no equivalent organizations in Hong Kong working to allay pre-migration anxieties. This has meant that prospective immigrants have had to rely on friends and relatives who had already emigrated, so-called "immigration specialists/consultants" (a term used by one of the unsuccessful candi- dates in the September Legco elections to describe himself), or commercially-run pub- lications such as the Chinese Canadian Magazine and immigration guides to obtain the information they required. However, within the last eighteen months the need for impartial, non-profit-motivated pre-migra- tion information has been recognized. In response, two programs have been estab- lished. The first of these is the "Meet with Success" seminar program, which provides general information "regarding the cultural differences between Canadian and Hong Kong people" through an evening seminar open to all those prospective migrants who have already obtained an immigrant visa. Set up in early 1990, "Meet with Success" is run by the Canadian Club of Hong Kong, which was established over forty years ago as a social and fund raising organization for Canadians living in the territory. The Canadian Club is an independent organiza- tion run entirely on its membership fees, private donations, and fund raising. However, it has close links with the Canadian Commission, and its Honourary President is John Higginbotham. the Commissioner for Canada in Hong Kong. "Meet with Success" has received finan- cial support from the Canadian government, provincial government offices in Hong Kong, and the Commission for Canada in Hong Kong, as well as from many corporate and private donors and other Canadian organizations in the territory. The latter include the Canadian Chamber of by Harriet Clompus Hum; Kti/ia Commerce, the Chinese-Canadian Association, and the Canadian University. Association (H.K.). With one full-time coordinator, Lyneita Swanson. the program consists of a seminar held one evening a week for new immigrants. This free seminar provides a unique service, there being no equivalent program offered by Canadian organizations elsewhere in the world or by non-Canadian organizations in Hong Kong. The program is actively supported by the Commission with details of seminars given at the time of visa issuance and the venue being inside the Commission. Howe\ er. Ms. Swanson stressed that "Meet with Success" is independent of the Commission and that attendance is voluntary and not a condition of visa issuance. Nevertheless, the attendance rate is extremely high, w ith an 85-90% uptake, which reflects the consider- able and previously unmet demand for such a service. The format of the seminar is a 1 V2 nour video, introducing a Hong Kong immigrant couple as they go through typical Canadian activities - grocery shopping, "do it your- self home improvements, and sports activi- ties. It features two well known Cantonese actors, who are recent immigrants to Canada and are "playing themselves." The video is followed by a general talk about different aspects of Canadian life, given in conjunction w ith a very well produced and comprehensive information package. This covers many aspects of life in Canada and includes practical information ranging from education to car ownership to tips on social and communication skills. The audience then participates in an exercise to create a personal "checklist" of the issues they consider most important in the migration adjustment process. Finally, there is a question and answer session in which all kinds of queries are raised from educational matters, to taxes, to the bringing of ancestors' bones to Canada for burial. Occasionally guest speakers are invited to present a seminar. Previous guests include Mila Mulroney, the wife of the Canadian prime minister, and David Lam, the Lt. Governor of British Columbia. The seminar is held in Cantonese except when there is a non-Cantonese speaker, in which case an interpreter is provided. The second program was set up by International Social Sen ices (ISS) 111 January 1991 and is funded by a private donation from the Marden Foundation (Hong Kong). It provides more individual- ly-tailored and long-term services and can be seen as complementary to the "Meet with Success" program. The latter will refer peo- ple to the ISS program if it cannot deal with enquiries within the seminar format. For a nominal fee, the ISS program offers a series of services for those consid- ering migration to North America and Australia and to those who have already obtained immigrant visas. The service employs one full-time social worker and one support staff member. Pre-migration coordinator, Ms. Wan Fong Tarn, said that the Canadian and Australian Commissions have both been helpful in supplying infor- mation for the program, but there has been little encouragement or interest from the American Consulate-General. Services consist of answering telephone enquiries and giving more in-depth group or individual counselling sessions. One of the main areas of concern is the impact of emi- gration on children and. particularly, its effect on their educational progress. There is a weekly "mutual aid group" for parents where they can discuss their anxieties. Approximately eight couples participate in each session, and some weeks there is a wait- ing list. Participants are encouraged to exchange addresses in Hong Kong and their destination country, and they are also referred to relevant post-migration organizations. Dependent on funding, there are plans for other services such as skills training classes. In early October the ISS pre-migration program hosted the 1 2th annual Chinese Immigrant Service of North America con- ference, the first time this week-long event has been held in Hong Kong. It emphasized the importance of exchanging information and ideas at both ends of the migration route. Agencies from Toronto. Vancouver. and Montreal represented Canada at the conference. Participants from North America spoke of the necessity for "a greater sensitisation of their governments for the needs of Chinese migrants." and stressed that migrants must prepare them- Pre-migration. cont'd page 6 UPDATE 5 Pre-migration, cont'd from page 5 selves as much as possible before leaving Hong Kong. A one day open forum, arranged as part of the conference, was attended by over 250 prospective immigrants, indicating the high level of interest in the community for pre-migration programs. "Meet with Success" and the ISS Pre- Migration program represent a first step towards alleviating the anxiety inherent in the migration process. However, there is a widespread perception that this is a Canadian rather than a Hong Kong issue. Therefore, the ISS program, in particular, has had great dif- ficulty in attracting local funds. The annual Marden Foundation grant of HK$330,000 will only continue until the end of 1992, after which alternative sources of funding must be found. So far approaches to numerous chari- table foundations and to the government have proved unsuccessful, and the continued exis- tence of the ISS program remains uncertain. Immigration Applications, HK CLPR 1989 by Diana Lary Hong Kong Not all immigration applications are made by people in the country of last perma- nent residence (CLPR). Some people apply elsewhere, either because there is no Canadian mission in their own country or because they are refugees. For others it is for reasons of convenience. Given how long pro- cessing delays can be in Hong Kong and how many potential Hong Kong immigrants trav- el, a significant number of Hong Kong CLPR applications are made at posts other than Hong Kong. The great majority of non-Hong Kong applications are made in the USA, many at border cities such as Seattle, Buffalo and Detroit. There is some indication that making an application outside Hong Kong is becoming more popular. Though the overall number of applications fell between 1989 and 1990, the proportion of applications made outside Hong Kong increased. 1989 1990 Hong Kong Seattle 15930(91%) 315 12912(86%) 197 New York 294 167 Buffalo 275 394 San Francisco 184 192 Detroit 79 149 Singapore Boston 76 71 184 111 Los Angeles Dallas 68 47 106 139 Tokyo Minneapolis Atlanta 31 19 18 32 67 60 London 11 80 Sydney Bangkok 8 6 25 60 Mexico City Other 5 65 87 106 (Non Hong Kong) 1570 (9%) 2156(14%) Total 17500 15068 6 UPDATE Visas issued, Hong Kong CLPR The proportion of visas issued for people whose CLPR was Hong Kong, but who applied at other posts, ran at 6% in 1989 and 9% in 1991. Care should be taken with these statistics. The two sets, for applica- tions and visas issued, do not correlate because of the time lag in processing, which varies both by the business of the post and by the class of application. Family and busi- ness class applications, for example, are normally processed before other classes. Visas issued in 1989 could be based on applications made in 1988 or earlier while 1990 visas might be for 1989 applications. However, there may be some correlation between the 9% of non-Hong Kong applica- tions in 1989 and the 9% of visas issued at posts other than Hong Kong in 1990. Hong Kong Other Total 1989 1990 8935(94%) 7972(91%) 559 (6%) 748 (9%) 9494 8720 Canada, Britain and the Hong Kong Problem Dr. Gerald Segal, research fellow at the Royal Institute of International Affairs, London and reader in International Relations at Bristol University, has written an article analyz- ing the complex relationship between Britain and Canada over Hong Kong issues. See "Canada, Britain and the Hong Kong Problem," The Round Table, July 1991. pp. 285-98. British Parliament and Citizenship for Hong Kong Indians by Rup Narayan Das New Delhi Hong Kong's ethnic South Asians, who hold British Dependent Territory Citizenship (BDTC) passports, have been lobbying since 1985, both in Hong Kong and London, for full British citizenship rights, including right of abode in the United Kingdom. Leading this campaign are two of Hong Kong's prominent Indian businessmen. Hari Harilela and Kewalram Sital. president and chairman, respectively, of the Council of Hong Kong Indian Associations. During the citizenship debate. Harilela. Sital and other members of the Council flew to London on several occasions to give pre- sentations and meet with Ministers and Members of Parliament. Council representa- tives also canvassed support from the local press. Although the efforts of the leaders of the Indian community in Hong Kong have not produced the desired results of full British citizenship rights, they did succeed in gaining support from some Members of Parliament and the press. In 1985 members of both Houses of the British Parliament evinced keen interest in and recognized their moral obligation towards the ethnic minorities of Hong Kong, including the Indian population. In response to this pressure on the UK government from Parliament, Baroness Young, then Foreign Office Minister in the House of Lords, on 19 February 1985 clearly committed the British government to undertake amendments regarding citizenship in line with prevailing views in Hong Kong and in both Houses. A year later. Lord Glenarthur, then Home Office Minister, conceded that every speaker in the House of Lords debate on 20 January 1986 supported the minorities' wishes along with other recommendations. In the debate in the House of Commons on January 16, all but two of the 18 members who spoke on the nationality provisions of the Hong Kong Act also supported the rec- ommendations of Hong Kong's Legislative Council, which included the extension of full British citizenship rights to ethnic Indians holding BDTC passports. Members of the Commons, belonging to different par- ties, were highly critical of the govern- ment's refusal to recognize the just claims of the ethnic minorities for an effective citi- zenship. Given the size of the government's major- ity, the British Nationality Order-in-Council had smooth passage in the House. However. attempting to allay the anxiety of the ethnic minorities as expressed by some MPs. Mr. Waddington. then Minister of State of the Home office, indicated that any British nationals forced to leave Hong Kong and hav- ing nowhere to go would be considered sym- pathetically by the government for entry to Britain, given their particular circumstances. In response to overwhelming concern expressed by MPs in the debate on 1 6 May 1986. Lord Glenarthur reiterated that. "We should consider it an obligation for any future government to treat with very consid- erable and particular sympathy the case for admission to the UK of any individual British national under pressure to leave Hong Kong." His statement was the first time the word "obligation" in the context of the nationality issue was used by any govern- ment minister, and raised cautious optimism amongst leaders of the Indian community of Hong Kong. The Foreign Affairs Committee of the House of Commons, which visited Hong Kong in April 1989. submitted a report in June of that year which questioned whether these assurances given by the British govern- ment were sufficient. The report also recom- mended that the British government had an obligation to extend UK citizenship to "this group of people which it has cooperated in consigning them otherwise to a second class citizenship." Passed on 19 April 1990, the nationality package [see Update, Spring 1990: 12; Fall 1990: 5], offering full British citizenship to 50.000 families of BDTC passport holders of Hong Kong, came as an anticlimax to the Indian community after its protracted lobby- ing in the territory and in London. The debate in Parliament for the Bill evoked considerable sympathy for the BDTC passport holders who could be stateless after 1997. Among Tory MPs. Peter Shore. Nigel Forman, and Andrew Faulds had advocated either restoration of full British citizenship rights or stronger guarantees for the future of the non-ethnic Chinese communities in Hong Kong. However, right wing Conservative MP Norman Tebbit led the Tory revolt against the Bill, arguing that, "we have more than enough to do to integrate existing [immigrant] communities into British societ) without adding to that burden or exacerbating existing problems." At the same time, he expressed concern about the fate of Asians of Indian descent who were likely to become stateless and possibly refugees, and advocat- ed intervention by the UK Foreign Secretary on their behalf with the Government of India. While Labour also criticized the Bill, the Party, represented by Roy Hattersley, Gerald Kaufman and Max Madden, strongly argued in favour of full British citizenship for ethnic Indians and other vulnerable groups in Hong Kong. Paddy Ashdown of the Liberal Democrat Partv sousht to strenathen and improve the Bill in Committee and pleaded for the needs of the ethnic communities. In response to such pleas by the opposi- tion. Home Secretary Waddington reiterated the government's position that if an individu- al from the ethnic minorities were to come under severe pressure after 1997. the govern iiient would consider his/her application to come to the United Kingdom. The Nationality Bill, which obtained royal assent in July 1990. shattered the last hope of Hong Kong Indians for full British citizenship rights. However, in a recent development concerning the plight of over- seas Indians such as in Hong Kong, the Government of India is now considering the possibility of amending the Constitution to provide dual citizenship to people of Indian origin abroad. This augurs well for ethnic Indians in Hong Kong who hold BDTC pass- ports. New Delhi is expected to announce its decision very soon. Although many Hong Kong South Asians may not prefer to return to India, at least they need not face stateless- ness in the worst of circumstances. Manchester. UK Chinatown Saskatchewan Government Office In November, the trade minister of the newly elected NDP government, Dwain Lingenfelter, announced that Saskatchewan would close the three trade offices it main- tains abroad in Hong Kong, Minneapolis and Zurich. The office in London is to remain open. The new government believes that the offices to be closed cost more than they are worth in terms of business done, especially the one in Hong Kong. The Saskatchewan representative in Hong Kong. Graham Taylor, is a former cabinet minister in the Conservative government; it was claimed that his living costs in Hong Kong were exorbitant. According to Robert Perrin, Executive Director of the International Division. Saskatchewan Economic Diversification and Trade Office, "The decision to close Saskatchewan's international office in Hong Kong was taken as part of a re-evaluation of the Province's overall approach to interna- tional trade and the severe budgetary deficit situation of the province. The government is looking for more rational and cost effective ways to encourage trade." UPDATE 7 Beijing Update by Jane Greaves Beijing Continuing the recent trend in the Chinese press, there has been little mention of "things Hong Kong" during the winter months. In the few articles that have appeared, the concern of the Chinese gov- ernment over maintaining stability in Hong Kong (and presumably the mainland) is apparent, no doubt a reaction to the events in the "Soviet Union" last August. This sta- bility, suggested Chen Ziying, Deputy Director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council, can be enhanced in two ways: through greater cooperation between China and the United Kingdom in affairs concerning Hong Kong and through greater interaction and more channels of communication between the mainland and Hong Kong itself. Cooperation and involvement are the key words in the press at the moment. The signing in September 1991 of the Memorandum of Understanding Concerning the Construction of the New Hong Kong Airport is referred to several times as a turning point in cooperation between the United Kingdom and China as it provides certainty for the projects and "also provides a practical framework within which various issues related to the develop- ment of the new airport can be discussed by parties concerned." The cooperation is reas- suring not only for Beijing but also for British business circles. A China Daily arti- cle reported that a recent delegation of British business people to Hong Kong saw increasing confidence in the territory, espe- cially as the future sourcing, financial and distribution headquarters for Asia. The active participation of Hong Kong in mainland affairs was by far the dominant issue in the news. Articles covered the Chinese space exhibition in Hong Kong, to which reccrd breaking crowds of overseas Chinese and Hong Kong residents flocked; Hong Kong investment in the mainland stock market; ihe Hong Kong Trade Development Council's major product pro- motion in Tianjin; and the reprinting in a Hong Kong magazine of a speech given by Li Peng on Shenzhen's development and the potential for overseas and Hong Kong participation in it. The inference being given is that Hong Kong is eagerly antici- pating its return to the motherland and is demonstrating this through its willing par- ticipation in mainland affairs. Bidding on the Hong Kong airport con- tracts did actually appear in both the English and Chinese press. This was sur- prising as reference to PADS is usually made under euphemisms such as "major construction projects" or "infrastructure development." One assumes that the Memorandum of Understanding has less- ened, though not eliminated, Beijing's dis- pleasure and, hence, PADS's taboo status in the press. That China is also bidding for contracts is significant. The general impression one gets from the mainland press continues to be that the Hong Kong issue does not merit much space in the press, but what coverage it does get should show the happy situation in the countdown to 1997. The Political Implications of Lu Ping's Visit in Hong Kong by Shum Kwok-cheung Hong Kong Lu Ping, director of the China's Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office (HKMAO) of the State Council, recently visited Hong Kong on January 6-14. His visit was partly in response to the agreement reached by China and Britain in the Memorandum of Understanding on the airport issue, which stipulated regular meetings between the Director of HKMAO and the Governor of Hong Kong. This trip is particularly notewor- thy because Lu Ping is the most senior Chinese official to visit Hong Kong since the dispute over the Final Court of Appeal and the establishment of the standing committees in the Legislative Council (Legco). Although Lu Ping had official contacts with the Governor, Sir David Wilson, the real significance of his trip lay in the eight- day extension of his "informal visit" in order to approach various local communities. These included pro-China groups, commer- cial associations and political organizations. These more informal contacts drew much public attention. His contact with many local political organizations, including two minor liberal groups. Meeting Point and the Association for Democracy and People's Livelihood, was particularly important. However, Lu Ping excluded the most popular and powerful lib- eral party, the United Democrats, and its prominent chairman, Martin Lee Chu-ming. In an open letter in the South China Morning Post, Martin Lee demanded to speak with Lu Ping and stressed that the HKMAO director "regard the people of Hong Kong as an asset, not as an enemy; work with us, not against us" [SCMP, 12 January 1992, p. 1 1 ]. In refus- ing to meet with Mr. Lee, Lu Ping stated, "We have to make a selection. Some people want to overthrow the Chinese Government - of course we will not see those people. We do not have a common language" [SCMP, 1 1 January 1992, p.3]. The relationship between China and local Hong Kong liberals has worsened since the 4 June 1989 Tiananmen massacre. At that time liberal leaders formed the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of the Patriotic and Democratic Movement in China (HKAPDM) to support democracy in Mainland China. This organization was declared subversive by Beijing. To contest the first direct elections to Legco last September 1991. leaders of the majority of liberal groups formed a political party, the United Democrats of Hong Kong (UDHK). in April 1990. Liberals won an overwhelm- ing victory in the Legco elections, attaining 16 (later 17 after a by-election held in December) of the 1 8 contested seats. Twelve of these seats were won by UDHK candi- dates. This rapid expansion of liberal power, especially by the United Democrats, increased China's suspicion. As evidenced by Lu Ping's visit, China's tactic has not 8 UPDATE been to condemn the whole liberal camp but to isolate those leaders active in the alliance for democracy movement, the HKAPDM and the United Democrats China's strategy of divide and rule - in t Ihinese terms, the "united front" - led to much criticism as reflected in editorials of the Hong Kong press. |See H.K. Economic Times. 10 January 1992; Hong Kong Economic Journal. 1 1 January 1992. and the South China Morning Post. 13 January 1992.) As one editorial proclaimed. "The guest list to Mr. Lu's functions over the past week reads like a political register of who is in, who is out. who has a future and who has none" [SCMP, 13 January 1992, p. 16]. Commenting on the implications of Lu Ping's visit. Dr. Louie Kin-sheun. Research Officer of the HK Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, felt that China had successfully reinte- grated and reorganized local political forces sympathetic to Beijing. For instance, after the meeting with Lu Ping, the Cooperative Research Centre, formed by the majority of conservative Legco members and headed by senior legislator. Allen Lee Peng-fei, claimed they wca- recognized as a political entity even though the group had not yet functioned as a political party [SCMP, 13 January 1992]. Lu Ping's invitations also were an indication of acceptable candidates for Hong Kong's future ruling class. According to Dr. Louie. China's tactic of divide and rule, both powerful and delicate, had a negative impact on the United Democrats who were excluded from meetings with Lu Ping. At his encounter with two minor liberal groups. Lu Ping reiterated that China was not against the United Democrats as a whole but only opposed to some members of the "liberal flagship" because they wanted to overthrow the mainland government. What China is attempting to do is isolate political leaders active in both the UDHK and the HKAPDM. As 1997 approaches, the "China factor" w ill become more and more important. By undermining the solidarity of the liberal camp, China apparently intends to weaken its political power. Chinese leaders like Lu Ping stress the fact that the Hong Kong electorate should consider if the opposi- tion to Chinese authority will be beneficial to the territory. The political group which is not recognized by China will inevitably face much pressure from within and outside the camp of Hong Kong liberals. Undoubted!) . China has become an important factor in the Hong Kong political arena, and its influence will increase as 1997 approaches. However, the liberal camp is still the strongest political force with a broad pop- ular base in Hong Kong and cannot be easily dismissed. In the years to come. China will need to rethink its antagonistic and diehard attitude towards the liberals, while the latter will have to try to develop more flexible tac- tics to deal with the Beijing government. It is significant that Lu Ping met with some liberal leaders last January. Nevertheless, if there is to be a smooth transfer of power after 1997, a crucial consideration will be the improvement of relations between local liberals and Chinese authorities in both the pre- and post- transition period. Canadian MPs and Chinese Human Rights The expulsion of three Canadian MPs from Peking on January 7 aroused consider- able interest and excitement in Hong Kong. The three. Beryl Gaffney. L. Nepean. Svend Robinson. NDP. Bumaby-Kingsway and Geoff Scott, PC. Hamilton-Wentworth, were greeted with bouquets and major press coverage when they arrived in Hong Kong on a flight from Peking. They had been taken to the Capital Airport in Peking, with- out prior arrangement and against their will, from a meeting at the Great Hall of the People with Rong Yiren. vice chairman of the National Peoples' Conference and a leading figure in China's foreign trade establishment. The MPs were in China as the guests of the People's Institute of Foreign Affairs, a unit connected to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Their explicit intention was to look into the human rights situation in China. Chinese authorities became upset when the MPs met relatives of imprisoned dissidents and were concerned about the MPs inten- tion to hold a press conference in Peking. Because of the expulsion the press coverage came from Hong Kong rather than Peking. The incident aroused a great deal of interest both internationally and in the territory where human rights issues in China are very close to the bone. The expulsion of the MPs came a week after the release from prison in China of Hong Kong resident. Lau Shan-ching (Liu Shanqing) who had served ten years in prison in China for giving financial help to members of the Li-Yi-Zhe group of dissi- dents. There was much comment in Hong Kong on the relative advantages of being Canadian. Hong Kong's Future Court of Appeal In view of the transfer of sovereignty from Britain to China. Hong Kong will no longer be able to use the Privy Council in London as its final court of appeal. Both the Joint Declaration and Basic Law describe the setting up of a court of appeal in Hong Kong, and allow for an unspecified number of judges from other common law jurisdic- tions amongst the five judges. Previous expectations were that there would be two such judges, but a September Joint Liaison Group decision between Britain and China proposed to limit foreign judges to one. On December 4th, by a majority vote of 34 to 11, Legco asked Britain and China to recon- sider that decision and to leave the number of foreign judges open. The request was rejected by the Chinese and British govern- ments and by the Hong Kong government. However, the fact that it was made at all was seen as a sign of a new Legco activism and as a manifestation of lack of confidence in Chinese attitudes towards the rule of law. The issue aroused considerable interest in Hong Kong and abroad because it con- cerns the independence of the future court and the continuation of a common law regime after 1997. For many Hong Kong Chinese, and for many people doing busi- ness there, this is seen as a fundamental issue. Legco is the only partially elected body in Hong Kong. Thus, its present and future role in making its views on Hong Kong's legal future strongly felt is being watched with great interest. For Canada the issue is noteworthy because of the likeli- hood that, as a major common law jurisdic- tion, Canadian judges will be asked to serve on the Hong Kong court. UPDATE 9 Premier Harcourt Emphasizes BC-Hong Kong Relationship Shortly after his election, the new pre- mier of British Columbia, Mike Harcourt, visited Asia in order to underscore the importance his province attaches to the region. His stay in Hong Kong at the end of November was an important part of his visit. The following is an address Premier Harcourt gave at the Government of British Columbia reception for the trade and invest- ment community. November 21, 1991. "I am very pleased to be back in Hong Kong. I visited here during my years as mayor of Vancouver, and I know of the important and special relationship that the province of British Columbia has with the people of Hong Kong. As British Columbia's new premier, I am committed to strengthening and expand- ing BC"s ties with Hong Kong. I would like to tell you a little bit about the province of British Columbia - our people, our econo- my and about our long friendship and rela- tionship with the people of Hong Kong.... The province of British Columbia has stunning natural beauty, a clean environ- ment and first-class educational facilities, hospitals and social services. We have a thriving, dynamic, diverse and growing economy - an economy that, like Hong Kong, is closely tied to the international market place. British Columbia is a trading province that each year exports billions of dollars worth of products. In 1990. for example, British Columbia's exports were valued at over $16.5 billion. As the westernmost province in Canada, British Columbia is Canada's gateway to the markets of the North and South Pacific and the United States. In fact, from British Columbia, it is possible to do business with Asia, North America and Europe on the same day. We have strong ties with the Pacific Rim countries, and we are a central point for Asian goods entering North America. One of our key trading partners in the Pacific Rim is Hong Kong. In 1989, for example, British Columbia's trade with Hong Kong was in excess of $280 million. British Columbia's links with Hong Kong are significant and span many decades. Our people have a close relation- ship with the people of Hong Kong, and there is a strong Hong Kong presence in British Columbia. For example, many Hong Kong students choose to pursue their education in British Columbia. In 1990, there were over 2,400 students from Hong Kong studying in our province, and British Columbia is becoming the new home for thousands of Hong Kong residents. In 1990 alone, over 6,700 Hong Kong residents who received immigrant visas chose to come to British Columbia. As more Hong Kong immigrants come to BC, the ties between Hong Kong and our province are becoming family ties. Our trade, investment and business links are also growing. There are many Hong Kong investors who have invested in British Columbia industries, ranging from garment factories to light consumer goods production. The head office of the Hongkong Bank of Canada, Canada's largest foreign-owned bank, is located in Vancouver. The regional offices of Cathay Pacific Airways are locat- ed in Vancouver, which as you know, is the centre for trade and commerce in British Columbia. As well, major trading, shipping and dis- tribution companies like Jardines and Dah Chong Hong have a presence in British Columbia. Many Hong Kong business peo- ple have made prudent investments in the province, including manufacturing plants established by the Video Technology Group and Qualidux Ltd. They recognize that British Columbia is a competitive location where their new capital investment is always welcome and supported. As British Columbia's new premier. I encourage you to join the growing list of Hong Kong businesses and corporations who are finding that investing in British Columbia is a wise business decision. The people of Hong Kong are well known for their entrepreneurial talents and business know-how. As British Columbians, we are eager to learn from you. That's why, while mayor of Vancouver, I worked hard to promote trade, investment and cultural links with the peo- ple of Hong Kong. And now as premier of British Columbia. I look forward to building upon those efforts so that the people of British Columbia and the people of Hong Kong can enjoy even closer ties.... May both British Columbia and Hong Kong continue to enjoy friendship, business partnerships, prosperity and success." Crosbie Visit to Hong Kong On January 12-14. John Crosbie, Minister for Fisheries and Oceans, visited Hong Kong. The minister led a delegation of fish merchants from Canada and hosted a seminar on underutilized species for local buyers. In a speech to the Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong, the Minister reviewed the current state of the Canadian economy, prospects for constitutional settle- ment and opportunities for investment in Atlantic Canada and the fisheries. He emphasized that exports of seafood from Canada to Hong Kong had risen from Cnd$6.3 million (HK$38 million) in 1986 to Cnd$14.6 million in 1990. Also Minister for the Atlantic Canada Opportunities Agency, Mr. Crosbie stressed that Hong Kong was limited in its investment vision of Canada, looking to the Pacific west while ignoring Atlantic Canada. During his visit, the Minister also attend- ed a luncheon with prominent journalists from the Hong Kong media, including resi- dent Canadians Ben Tierney (Southam News), Susan Helwig (CBC), Don Pittis (Standard Broadcast), and Kelly McPharland (Toronto Sun/Financial Post). 10 UPDATE Canadian Organizations in Hong Kong by Harriet Clompus Hong Kong Hong Kong-Canada Business Association (HKCBA) Founded in Calgary in 1984. the HKCBA was established by Canadian busi- ness people to promote bilateral trade. It now has a total membership of 3,400 indi- viduals and corporations and maintains offices in all Canadian provinces. Early in 1991 John Cheng, a Chinese Canadian and former executive director of the HKCBA who returned to work for the Hong Kong government, became the volun- tary HKCBA representative in the territory. However, operations in Hong Kong are still at a very preliminary stage with no perma- nent office or near-future plans to recruit members locally. Instead Mr. Cheng acted as a liaison officer, working with Canadian members and Hong Kong contacts and agencies. There are also close links between the Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Trade Development Council, but John Cheng emphasized the fact that because the HKCBA is a Canada-based organization and the other two are based in Hong Kong, there is no duplication of their w ork. In 1991 the HKCBA sent a delegation to Hong Kong to participate in Festival Canada '91, and for the first time since its inception, the organization held its annual general meeting there. Prof. Diana Lary, director of the Canada and Hong Kong Project, was invited as a guest speaker to talk about the research project. The HKCBA will take a leading role in the reciprocal Festival Hong Kong '92 to be held in Canada next fall. Andrea Eng. for- mer national president of the HKCBA. will serve as Co-Chair of the Festival Committee. Note: The editors recently learned and regret to report that Mr. Cheng died sud- denly of a heart attack in February; his untimely death is a great loss to his family. friends and colleagues, and we extend our sincere sympathy. As a new representative has yet to he appointed, we do not have a contact number in Hong Kong for the HKCBA. Chinese Canadian Association in Hong Kong The Chinese Canadian Association was set up five years ago to promote links between Canada and Hong Kong, and in the words of its former Chair, Felix Fong, "to look after the interest and welfare of Chinese Canadians living in Hong Kong." A relatively small organization w ith only 200 members, it has, nevertheless, been very active in many Canadian projects in Hong Kong in the past year. These include participation in Festival Canada '91, spon- sorship of a concert featuring Chinese Canadian musicians, and the hosting of a visit by a Canadian mountain climbing team. The association's main project was its leading role in the establishment of the Canadian International School, which opened on 15 November 1991. Seven of the twelve founding members of the school's Foundation are from the board of the CCA, and former Chair Felix Fong is the Canadian International School representa- tive on the Canada Club Executive Committee. The Association continues to be active in fund raising for the school and supports the Foundations 's intention to w ork tow ard the building of a new facility to further improve Canadian education in Hong Kong. Chair: Kwan Li c/o The Canadian International School GPO Box 946 7 Eastern Hospital Road Caroline Hill Hong Kong The Canadian Club of Hong Kong Founded 42 years ago, the Canadian Club aims to "create a sense of fellowship among Canadians in Hong Kong." In addi- tion to social functions, it organizes many fund raising and charity events. Of the approximately 900 members. Nancy Dixon, Executive Director, estimates about 30% are Hong Kong-born Canadians, with the majority being expatriates. The Club organizes the "Meet with Success" pre-migration seminars [see Pre- Migration Programs in Hong Kong. p. 5). which provide information to new immi- grants from Hong Kong to Canada regard- ing cultural differences. The Club is a founding member of the Canadian International School and also participated m Festival Canada '91. It has gcxxl relations with the Chinese Canadian Association which has contributed to the "Meet with Success" program, and many Chinese Canadians are members of both organizations. President: Vincent M. Lee Exec. Director: Nancy Dixon GPO Box 1587 Hong Kong Tel.Page: 1108-66244 (N.Dixon) The Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong The CCCHK is an independent, non- profit organization with a mandate to foster bilateral trade and investment between Hong Kong and Canada. Since its inception in 1977. it has grown from a loose collec- tion of business people to an organization with over 900 corporate and individual members, making it the biggest Canadian chamber of commerce outside of Canada. The CCCHK holds up to 80 functions a year which include many seminars, as well as jointly sponsored events with other local chambers and associations. Its bimonthly publication. Canada Hong Kong Business. has a readership of over 10,000 in Hong Kong and Canada. The Chamber is also a founding member of the Canadian International School and has contributed to the Canada Club's "Meet with Success" Program. Exec. Director: Heather Allen 13/F One Exchange Square GPO Box 1587 Hong Kong Tel: 526-3207 Fax: 845-1654 UPDATE 11 Goddess of Democracy Erected at UBC by Hugh Xiaobing Tan \ ancouver Those who watched TV coverage of the 1989 June 4th incident in Beijing will remember the destruction of the statue of the Goddess of Democracy after the People's Liberation Army captured Tiananmen Square. Exactly two years later, a replica of the statue was erected on the campus of the University of British Columbia in Vancouver to commemorate the 1989 massacre. The idea of recreating the statue was ini- tiated by the Vancouver Society in Support of Democratic Movement (VSSDM), an organization founded shortly after the Beijing incident. To raise funds for building the statue, the VSSDM organized a Concert for Democracy in China on 4 August 1989. and about $20,000 was collected. At that time, the VSSDM proposed that the statue be built at the Dr. Sun Yat-sen Garden in Vancouver's Chinatown. However, this pro- posal was refused by the board of the Garden, which was reluctant to become part of "a political forum." In March 1990 VSSDM applied to the Vancouver Parks Board for the placement of a plaque in the city-run Sun Yat-sen Park, adjacent to the Garden. This application was also turned down because of strong opposition from within the local Chinese community. [See Update, Spring 1990, p. 9.] The VSSDM began to look for other sites. A small statue of the Goddess was later built in the Forest Lawn Cemetery in Burnaby. B.C.. but this did not attract much public attention. The proposal for placing the statue at the UBC site was first put forward by the Chinese Student and Scholar Association (CSS A) of UBC. In February 1990 Chair of the Association. Dongqing Wei, was invited to give a presentation at the Alma Mater Society (AMS), of which the CSSA is a member organization. A motion was passed by the AMS to build the statue, and a mem- orandum was given to the president of the university, proposing a site near the Asian Centre. UBC authorities agreed to allow the statue to be placed at the university but decided on a site close to the Student Union Building. The President's Art Advisory Committee also examined details of the plans for the statue from an artistic perspec- tive. Final approval for the project was granted in May 1991. It is rumoured that during the negotia- tions between AMS and university authori- ties, the Chinese Consulate General in Vancouver contacted UBC in an attempt to prevent the proposal from being approved. However, the university considered this matter mainly a student affair and refused to intervene. After approval was granted, Vancouver artists Tom Mash and Chung Hung began construction of the Goddess statue. Their final product was a three-meter high, 800 pound statue made of a resin and marble dust composite. The actual cost of the sculpture was $25,000. $20,000 of which came from the VSSDM and the rest from CSSA. The Alma Mater Society paid $ 1 2.000 for preparation of the site. This statue is said to be the largest, permanent outdoor replica of the Goddess of Democracy in the world. The unveiling ceremony took place on Sunday, 2 June 1991. in commemoration of the second anniversary of the Tiananmen mas- sacre. Over 500 people attended the dedica- tion in the plaza of the Student Union Building, and participants paid tribute to those who died in Beijing. The plaque beneath the statue briefly describes, in both English and Chinese, the democratic movement in China during the spring-summer of 1989. Speakers at the ceremony included rep- resentatives of the three major organizations responsible for construction of the statue and other local political figures. Senator Pat Carney told the audience that she had received calls from the Chinese Consulate General asking her not to attend the ceremo- ny. She added. "Anyone who knows me knows the more pressure on me not to do something, the more likely I will show up." Vancouver-Point Grey MLA. Dr. Tom Perry of the New Democratic Party also mentioned that the Consulate General had pressured him not to attend the unveiling. MP Svend Robinson (NDP. Burnaby- Kingsway), who was later expelled from China this past January 7 [see Canadian MPs and Chinese Human Rights, p. 9], and MLA Grace McCarthy (Social Credit. Vancouver-Little Mountain) also paid trib- ute at the ceremony. A letter was read from then Premier Rita Johnston. At the end of the gathering, participants sang "We Shall Overcome," substituting the words "China will be free some day." The event was cov- ered by major local Chinese and English newspapers and TV stations. The response from Chinese authorities was indirect but strong. The sister-universi- ty relationship between UBC and Zhongshan University in southern China was discontinued by China, apparently as an act of protest. 12 UPDATE West's Democracy Push in Best Interests of All by Danny Gittings Hong Kong It comes as a salutary reminder of how patchy Britain's record is in defending Hongkong people's interests to find other major Western democracies are beginning to take a keen interest in the territory's internal affairs and, on occasion, publicly voice their fears while London remains mute. It is a trend that is most advanced in Canada, but which some analysts belies e also shows signs of emerging within the US and Australian Governments, and which became unmistakably apparent in the wake of the recent Legislative Council elections. Then, British - and Hongkong - Government officials sat on their hands and refused to pronounce the polls a success, let alone endorse the idea of trying to increase the number of directly-elected seats available in 1995. Canada, however, had no such reserva- tions. Not only did Ottawa endorse the elec- tions as a success, but she also went as close as she could to calling for a speeding up of the democratisation process. "It is clear that the people of Hongkong are ready to exercise more control over their own affairs," External Affairs Minister Ms Barbara McDougall said in a statement. "This is an important first step in increas- ing the pace of democratisation in Hongkong," she said in a tone markedly at odds with the tenor of the comments then emanating from both the Foreign Office and Lower Albert Road. When asked why they troubled to issue such a statement, even normally talkative Canadian diplomats equivocate. What they are reluctant to say. even pri- vately, is what - reading between the lines - is one of the main motives behind the move, a feeling Britain can no longer be relied upon to secure the territory's stability and protect its people's interests. If London was doing its job properly there would be little need for other govern- ments to make pointed comments about issues such as the election. There would be no need either for senior figures in the US and Australian govern- ments to voice their concerns about the terri- tory's future. There are persistent reports Lower Albert Road unsuccessfully tried to tone down US Consul-General Mr. Richard Williams' speech last May, in which he called for the settling of differences between Hongkong and Beijing, and came much closer to inter- fering - as the Chinese would put it - in the territory's internal affairs than is the US habit. And while no one seems to have tried to tone down Australian Foreign Minister Senator Gareth Evans' remarks when he passed through the territory earlier this year, he too sailed closer to the wind than is diplo- matically customary with a warning political events on the mainland might harm interna- tional confidence in Hongkong. The Foreign Office - determined to show the world it can hand a stable Hongkong over to Chinese rule - is less than enthusiastic about such comments. But far-sighted officials recognise the benefits internationalising the territory's problems can bring, and in particular the pressure it exerts on both Britain and China to improve Hongkong's lot. And it is in this that Canada is streets ahead of the other Western democracies. Not only has Ottawa already taken up the issue of faster democratic reform directly with Beijing, but officials also revealed last week they would be prepared to do the same over the composition of the Court of Final Appeal. While some in the Canadian Government might like to put this keen interest in the ter- ritory's internal affairs down to a sense of altruism, there are solid self-interests under- lining it. The first is the 40,000 Canadian nationals now living in the territory. Many - if not most - are Hongkong-bom Chinese whose foreign passports, on a strict interpretation of China's nationality law, need not necessarily be recognised by Beijing, thus giving Ottawa a very real stake in trying to ensure nothing happens after 1997 that might put this to the test. Then there is the question of the huge number of Hongkongers who now have rela- tives on the other side of the Pacific. Community leaders in Toronto, which has the largest ethnic Chinese population outside Asia. believe there are more than a million people in the territory who have relations in the city. And Canadian officials privatel) admit that in the event of Sir David Wilson's so called "Armageddon Scenario" they would be hard pushed to turn them assay. Finally there is also the not insignificant fact the health of both the US and Canada's economies is increasingly dependent on con- tinuing Asian investment, much of it from the territory. No one knows how much Hongkong money has flowed into Canada in recent years, although well-informed observers believe the popular emigration destination of Vancouver soaked up C$2 billion (HK.S13.8 billion) alone last year. And some local officials freely admit their provinces would be in deep trouble if this flow of money stopped. "We need your investments if our people are to continue to have the standard of living they expect in the decades to come." said an official in Alberta, now Canada's third most popular destination for Hongkong emigrants. So Canada- and perhaps also Australia and the US - has real concerns pushing them towards taking a closer interest in promoting Hongkong's autonomy. But that does not lessen the value of their involvement. China may hate it, perhaps Britain too, but if powerful Western democ- racies pressure these two governments to pay more attention to the interests of the territo- ry's population then they will have done Hongkong a lasting favour. The editors have received permission to reprint this article which appeared in the South China Morning Post. 3 November 1991. Mr. Gittings' s trip to Canada on 2b October-4 November 1991 was sponsored by the Department of External Affairs and International Trade Canada. One of four journalists from APEC (Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum) countries invited to Canada, he visited several cities. including Vancouver, Edmonton. Toronto, Ottawa. Montreal and Quebec City, and inteniewed Canadian business people, aca- demics, politicians, and government officials involved in Asia Pacific affairs. UPDATE 13 Commissioner Higginbotham Participates in "Greater China Day" Seminars During his trip to Canada at the end of January-early February, John Higginbotham, Commissioner to Hong Kong, visited both Vancouver and Toronto where he met with businessmen, academics and other interested professionals. In Vancouver on January 3 1 , he spoke to the Board of Trade on "Canada-Hong Kong Relations as 1997 Approaches." While in Toronto he participated in the "Greater China Day" seminars on February 7, orga- nized by the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies. He was co-speaker at these events with M. Fred Bild, Canadian Ambassador to the PRC. and John Tennant, Director General of the Asia and Pacific North Bureau, Dept. of External Affairs. An early morning session, the Asia Pacific Update breakfast on Greater China, was attended by over 1 25 people, primarily from the business community. It was spon- sored by JCAPS, the Ontario Centre for International Business, the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada and the World Trade Centre. At this meeting, Mr. Higginbotham expressed optimism for the strength of Hong Kong's economy and its continued development up to and after 1997, especial- ly with the agreement between the UK and China on the new airport and container port. He stressed the importance of Hong Kong as a key financial and entrepot centre - "the gateway to the Asia Pacific region. ..the principal hub for a rapidly growing trade between China and the coun- tries in the region and in the rest of the world." Not only is Hong Kong "the Asian headquarters for some of Canada's most innovative corporations," it also plays an increasingly "unique role as a source of human and financial capital for Canada." He reiterated that Canada and Hong Kong have developed important trading, financial and human ties over a long period of time. Because of such ties, Canada has a "major stake in Hong Kong's future" and also has an important role to play in ensur- ing that future. The commissioner pointed out that since the tragic events of Tiananmen Square, Canada has "adopted a policy to build confidence in Hong Kong," and fully supports the autonomy of the region as promised under the Sino-British Joint Declaration. Furthermore, our govern- ment upholds the shared, "fundamental val- ues and liberties which have contributed to Hong Kong's success [and] are essential to long-term stability and prosperity." The three speakers also met in the after- noon with China specialists at a roundtable held at University of Toronto, followed by a public seminar on "The Future of Canada's Relations with 'Greater China'." The latter was jointly sponsored by JCAPS and the Canadian Institute for International Affairs. Commissioner Higginbotham stressed the importance of Hong Kong in the phe- nomenal economic growth over the past decade in the Pearl River Delta of South China, "which is helping to integrate the two economies ahead of 1997." Many Hong Kong industrialists "have close links to Canada," and we should "not overlook the unique opportunities that our ties with Hong Kong offer." Through these links, the Commissioner emphasized. Canada can "become part of the economic miracle that is Hong Kong and its Asian hinterland." Greater China Day concluded with a dinner meeting with presidents and repre- sentatives of several Ontario universities to discuss future linkages between institutions of higher learning in Hong Kong and Ontario and. particularly, instruments for attracting high quality students from the ter- ritory to Ontario universities. Hong Kong Visa Students in Metro Toronto - a Research Project by Paul L.M.Lee Toronto The number of Hong Kong students opt- ing for overseas studies has steadily increased in recent years despite the effort made by the Hong Kong government to pro- vide additional primary and secondary school places, as well as to expand tertiary education (universities and colleges). The four countries most favoured by Hong Kong students for overseas studies are the United Kingdom, USA, Canada and Australia. From 1985-1990, the statistics for student visas issued by these four countries are as follows: Year UK ISA Canada Australia Total 1985 4492 3505 2912 445 11354 1986 4269 3509 2930 688 11396 1987 4232 3679 3616 1877 13404 1988 3856 4215 3808 3147 15206 1989 4539 4855 5096 4678 19168 1990 4349 5840 5681 5258 21128 From the above table, it can be observed that the number of Hong Kong students going abroad for further studies has doubled from 1985 to 1990, and Canada has attract- ed more than a quarter of these in 1990. Generally a large proportion of visa students are going to the US to study at the tertiary level while increasingly large numbers of younger Hong Kong students are attending secondary schools in Canada and Australia. Those coming to Canada tend to concen- trate in Toronto and Vancouver although Edmonton and Calgary have become more popular. Visa students have brought their culture to these schools and, thus, enriched the cur- riculum and school life in their new envi- ronment. However, the acceptance of large numbers of visa students, in addition to the increasing enrolment of immigrant students from Hong Kong, has placed great strain on the available resources of the school boards and individual schools accepting these stu- dents. At the same time visa students have often experienced culture shock which can be especially difficult for the younger ones, many of whom have left their families to live on their own for the first time. Their 14 UPDATE adjustments in the new environment can have a tremendous effect on their personal development, school performance, and the perception of Canada in their future career. An earlier study of visa students at Canadian universities was done by Kathryn Mickle in 1984-86. The present research on Hong Kong visa students focuses on both university and secondary institutions in the Metro Toronto area. Dr. Mickle will con- duct further research among visa students at York University while Paul Lee and Bernard Luk will focus on secondary schools pupils. The aim of the overall research project is to concentrate on the experience and expec- tations of Hong Kong visa students here and the efforts being made by school boards and universities to meet the challenge. The researchers hope to identify specific prob- lems of these students and ways to over- come difficulties during this transition peri- od and to propose possible improvements. The research on university students will document their experience and investigate factors which facilitate or hinder their adjustment. The study of Hong Kong visa Students in secondary schools will focus on the following points: 1 ) the trend and spread of these students in Metro Toronto; 2) the psychological, academic, social and financial problems faced by visa stu- dents; 3) the provision of support by individual institutions, school boards, community service groups and other government and voluntary agencies; 4) the difficulties encountered by school teachers, principals and related personnel in providing education and essential ser- vices; and 5) identification of possible improvements in solving problems faced by visa stu dents, teachers, principals and the person- nel of school boards and other agencies. Questionnaires for university students have been sent to over 500 Hong Kong visa students at York University. With the coop- eration and assistance of public school boards and independent schools in Metro Toronto, questionnaires lor secondary schools have been administered to students in these schools. Results of this research w ill form the core of a workshop on visa students to be held next September in con- junction with Festival Hong Kong '92. Papers will be published by the Canada and Hong Kong Project. Quebec-Hong Kong Colloque Le premier colloque. les relations entre le Quebec et Hong Kong: enjeux, contraintes et perspectives de developpe- ment. a eu lieu le 8 Janvier a l'universite du Quebec a Montreal. II a ete organise con- jointement par le Centre conjoint de recherches en communications sur l'Asie Pacifique (UQAM et Concordia) et le Projet Canada et Hong Kong (Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies - U of T et York). Les organisateurs du seminaire etaient le pro- fesseur Claude-Yves Charron et Jules Nadeau. On a presente quatre sujets, sur l'histoire (president, Michel Marcel), la communaute chinoise (president, Francois Vanasse), les relations economiques et commerciales (president. Alain Laroque). et l'immigration (president. Claude- Yves Charron). On propose de publier un vol- ume au cours de l'annee prochaine, base sur le seminaire. Les suivants ont participes au colloque: Phillipe Bertrand. Banque Hongkong, Montreal Leo Brown. Banque de Montreal Lucien Brunet, veteran canadien de la campagne de Hong Kong, 1941-45 Joseph Bunkoczy, ministere des Communautes culturelles et de l'immigration Claude-Yves Charron, departement de Communication. UQAM; Centre conjoint de recherches en communications sur l'Asie Pacifique Luc Chartrand, VActualite Tammy Cheung. Festival international du cinema chinois Celia Chua, soeur Immaculee Conception, Amitie-Chine Claude Comtois. Centre des Etudes de l'Asie de l'Est, Universite de Montreal Pierre Danis. ministere des Communautes culturelles et de l'immigration Loy Denis, Association canadienne des etudes asiatiques Claude Fournel. ministere de l'Education Jean Goyer, ministere des Affaires interna- tionales Camille Gueymard. Telefilm Canada Pierre Hebert. ministere des Affaires inter- national Henry Ho. Le Permanent Alain Larocque. Raymond Chabot International Diana Lary, directrice du Projet de recherche Canada et Hong Kong, JCAPS Lau Tin-Yum, departement d'Arts plas- tiques, UQAM Therese LeBlanc. soeur Immaculee Conception Louis Leblanc, Levesque, Beaubien. Geoffrion Ernest Leong, Association commerciale Hong Kong-Canada, section Montreal Brian Lewis, departement de Communications, Concordia; Centre con- joint de recherches en communications sur l'Asie Pacifique Pascale Luc. Fondation de l'hotel chinois de Montreal Michel Marcil, S.J., Amitie-Chine, Montreal Paul Mayer, Association commerciale Hong Kong-Canada, section Montreal Elizabeth Morey. bureau du recteur, Concordia; Centre conjoint de recherches en communications sur l'Asia Pacifique Annick Nadeau. Communication. College Jean-de-Brebeuf Jules Nadeau. Centre conjoint de recherch- es en communications sur l'Asie Pacifique Niu Jingren. Service a la famille chinoise. Montreal Janet Rubinoff. coordinatrice, Projet de recherche Canada et Hong Kong, JCAPS Robert Thibault, faculte de Droit, Universite McGill Patrick Tsui, hotel Furama. Montreal Francois Vanasse. Sinocan, Montreal Julia Wang, Banque Nationale du Canada UPDATE Hong Kong and Its Hinterland: Workshop by Janet Rubinoff Toronto The fifth workshop of the Canada and Hong Kong Project was held in Vancouver. January 17-18, 1992. Entitled "Hong Kong and Its Hinterland." the two-day seminar was held at the Asian Centre of the University of British Columbia. Attended by over thirty participants, the workshop focused on the economic and social links between Hong Kong and Guangdong Province. PRC. It was convened by B. Michael Frolic, Dept. of Political Science, York University, and Graham Johnson of the Dept. of Anthropology and Sociology, UBC. The four papers presented included "The Economic Integration of Hong Kong with China in the 1990s: The Impact on Hong Kong" by Sung Yun-wing (Dept. of Economics, Chinese University of Hong Kong); "Hong Kong-Guangdong Interaction: Joint Enterprise of Market Capitalism and State Socialism" by R. Yin- wang Kwok (Center for Chinese Studies. University of Hawaii at Manoa); "Towards a Greater Guangdong: Hong Kong's Sociocultural Impact on the Pearl River Delta and Beyond" by Gregory Guldin ( Department of Anthropology, Pacific Lutheran University); and "Changing Horizons for Regional Development: Continuity and Transformation in Hong Kong and Its Hinterland, 1950s to 1990s" by Graham Johnson (UBC). Presentation of the papers was followed by a roundtable discussion which closed the session on Saturday afternoon. Discussants included Aprodicio Laquian. Director. Centre for Human Settlements. UBC; Paul T.K. Lin, Institute of Asian Research, UBC; Terry McGee, Director, Institute of Asian Research; and Woon Yuen-fong, Dept. of Pacific and Asian Studies, University of Victoria. Lotto 6/49 in Hong Kong It is now possible to play Lotto 6/49 directly from Hong Kong. An enterprising company has recently set up a subscription system which allows punters to play Lotto 6/49 for periods of 1 to 52 weeks, using the same numbers for each draw. Subscriptions cost HK$400 (Cdn$60) to HK$ 12,000 (about Cdn$ 1 ,800), depending on the time period and the number of games played in each draw. Tickets are purchased on behalf of punters in Canada. There is no indication as to how these sums correspond to the actual cost of lottery tickets in Canada, which is Cdn$l (HKS6.70) per ticket. Lotto 6/49 is advertised as the "world's largest tax-free jackpot," "the most popular lottery game in the world," "operated and controlled by the Canadian Government." Though gambling is very much a part of Hong Kong life and people are used to big winners, the largest ever win on Lotto 6/49. quoted in HK dollars at $201,365,684.76, certainly makes this appear to be a very attractive way to make a bet. The company advertising the service, Wellco Limited, offers a "complimentary air passage and one week's vacation in beautiful Vancouver" to punters winning HK$338,0OO (over Cdn$50,000) or more. The brochure for the new service, which has been widely distributed in Hong Kong, has a bottle of Canadian champagne on the cover and is liberally dotted with maple leafs. There is no indication in the brochure as to whether the scheme is legal under Canadian law or not. The CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE is distributed free at your request. Please let us know if you would like to be on our mailing list by calling (41 6) 736-5784 ext. 2051 . Or write to us at the address below: Canada and Hong Kong Project JOINT CENTRE FOR ASIA PACIFIC STUDIES Suite 270, York Lanes York University 4700 Keele Street North York, Ontario M3J1P3 2 CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Number 7 SIMMER 1992 Interview with David Lam, BC Lieutenant-Governor by Hugh Tan Vancouver In late May I held an interview with Lt. Governor David See-Chai Lam, which focused on his experience as an immigrant in Canada, his achievements, and comments on the recent immigration from Hong Kong. From Hong Kong to Canada According to the Lt. Governor, one of the main reasons his family decided to immigrate to Canada in 1967 was "a passionate love of trees, flowers and the natural environment." The Lam family had lived in the suburban area of Shatin in the New Territories of Hong Kong which was later developed into a city centre, surrounded by concrete buildings. While travelling in British Columbia, they enjoyed the clean air. water, beautiful gardens and grand snowy mountains. With the encouragement of the then Canadian Commissioner to Hong Kong. David Lam and his family moved to Vancouver. They found the area "paradise on earth" and deter- mined to stay. However, as Lt. Governor Lam explained, finding a job in "this earthly paradise" was not easy despite his education in the U.S. and his experience as a bank manager in Hong Kong. Although he was finally offered a posi- tion with Scotia Bank, he turned it down since the job meant returning to work in Hong Kong! At the suggestion of a friend, he became a real estate agent, which did not require much investment at the time. His new career was rough going at first for he did not sell a house for several months. As the Lt. Governor related, even now he still remem- bers the excitement of earning $400 from his first sale. The Lams celebrated by taking his friend's family out for steak at a small restau- rant. "This was our first steak dinner in Canada." Prior to this time, "We bought only ground beef in order to save money." David Lam recalled this experience as the "happiest day" in his family's early years in Canada. Later w ith the help of his friends, David Lam was able to establish about thirty compa- nies. "Thanks to Tien Shi, Di Li. and Ren He" (timeliness, favourable location, and good personal relations), all companies succeeded and earned good money. When he retired in 1983. David Lam sold his companies and set up a charitable foundation in his and his wife's name. During their early, struggling years in Canada, the Lams, like other new immigrants, often compared their former life in Hong Kong with that in Vancouver. However, they soon made friends with people of many back- grounds and made deliberate attempts to completely integrate into Canadian society. David Lam explained that his companies employed over 100 workers, none of whom were of Chinese origin. He also did not read Chinese-language newspapers and wanted to become a "pure Canadian." East Plus West David Lam's desire to become Canadian, however, did not mean abandoning all Chinese cultural traditions. Nor did it mean forgetting his origins in Hong Kong or chang- ing his appearance in order to seem more "Canadianized." Instead, he emphasized that the most important thing was to change one's way of thinking. David Lam. cont'd page 2 IN THIS ISSUE: David Lam 1 Education Programs 4 Hong Kong's Reactions to New Governor 5 Trends in Immigration 6 CAN-IMMIGRATION-NET 6 per F1029.5 H6 C36 Changes in Family Class Dependency 7 HK Immigrants in Canada 7 Lotto 6/49 in Hong Kong: Stage Two 7 New Canadian International School 8 Other Canadian School Options in HK 9 Concern over Rights to Privacy in HK 10 Beijing Update 10 Foreign Investment Protection 1! Premier Bob Rae's Visit to Hone Kong 1 2 Mayor Joyce Trimmer 12 New Brunswick Premier Visits Hong Kong.... 13 Bi-cultural Consumers 13 Tiananmen Memorial 14 Project Workshop on China-HK Relations 14 Canada-Hong Kong Database 15 New Project Publications 16 CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Editors Diana Lary Bernard Luk Janet A. Rubinoff Illustration & IMS Creative Design Communications Contributors Philip Calvert Harriet Clompus Jane Greaves Bob Perrins Shum Kwok-cheung Hugh Xiaobing Tan David K. Tse Canada and Hong Kong Update is published 3-4 times a year by the Canada and Hong Kong Project Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, Suite 270. York Lanes, York University. 4700 Keele St., North York, Ontario, CANADA M3J 1P3 Telephone: (416) 736-5784 Fax:(416)736-5688 Opinions expressed in this newsjoumal are those of the author alone. CANADA AND HONG KONG PROJECT Co-Directors Diana Lary Bernard Luk Coordinator Janet A. Rubinoff Advisory Board David Bond Denise Chong Maurice Copithorne B. Michael Frolic John Higginbotham Graeme McDonald T.G. McGee Jules Nadeau William Saywell Wang Gungwu We want to thank the Donner Canadian Foundation for its very generous support which has made this project possible. The Foundation's long-standing interest in Canada's international relations with Asia has enabled us to conduct research which we consider to be of great significance for the future of the country. This publication is free. Please call or write to us for past or future issues. According to the Lt. Governor, the combi- nation of eastern and western cultures is a "very powerful tool," which, if mastered, is always successful. On the one hand, western culture, including its predominant religion Christianity, is known for its aggressiveness and sense of mission. On the other, Chinese culture emphasizes moderation, and even "stepping back." These two cultures comple- ment each other, but people often tend to lean to one side or the other. Lam's motto is to live a "giving, caring, and sharing" life, principles which he attributes to his family and religious educa- tion. When he was a child, he mentioned, he would spend half his pocket money for candy and donate the other half. This habit of giving proved to be very important in his business success and career development. He made friends with many people, and in business he eventually had no difficulty borrowing money from the bank, buying goods on demand, or establishing jointly owned com- panies. He also attributes his appointment as Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia to this practice of "giving, caring and sharing." Although he never intended to receive any reward for his generous donations to educa- tional institutes, public parks and charity organizations, the provincial and federal gov- ernments recognized his long-time voluntary work in several big projects and his generosi- ty. He declined the nomination for Lt. Governor twice before finally accepting it. It was not an imitation of the famous Chinese three Kingdoms story in which Liu Bei, King of Shu Han, made three calls at the thatched cottage of Zhuge Liang. Rather it was a sense of mission and opportunity to utilize the unique position of Lt. Governor to accomplish his goals that prompted David Lam to finally accept the nomination. He assumed his job whole-heartedly and enjoys meeting people with the message of "good will, understanding and harmony." During the past 3 ] / 2 y ears of his Lieutenant Governorship, David Lam has travelled to every small town in British Columbia and to eastern Canada to deliver speeches, as well as abroad. In 1991 alone, he was invited to speak at 390 functions. On his busiest day, he spoke at 14 meetings, non-stop from early morning to late evening. The Lt. Governor writes all his own speeches and often delivers extemporaneous remarks to which his audi- ence responds very favourably. He not only goes out to meet people but also invites many guests to his residence. An average month sees some 2,000 people attend- ing various meetings and receptions at Government House. In order to deal with this "full time plus" work, he has increased his sec- retarial staff from two to eight people. How- ever, he finds his heavy workload "enjoyable." An important project now under construc- tion at Government House is the landscaping of twelve new flower gardens. One-third of the funding is from the provincial govern- ment, one third from David Lam and his wife, and the remainder from public dona- tions, which have amounted to several hun- dred thousand dollars. The Lt. Governor called for volunteers to work on the gardens and was surprised to have more than 300 peo- ple register. This spirit is in line with David Lam's motto of "giving, caring and sharing." Recent Hong Kong Immigrants Having been an immigrant himself, David Lam understands many of the problems and difficulties faced by recent migrants from Hong Kong. He commented that these new immigrants are not like the older Chinese generations who came as physical labourers; neither are they the same as David Lam's generation who were middle or lower-middle class. Many of the recent Hong Kong immi- grants come with an upper or upper-middle class life style. He contends that this has made it difficult for them to socialize with ordinary Canadians with whom they have lit- tle in common. There are a number of other cultural differences which have led to misun- derstandings. The Lt. Governor cited the example that while many Chinese consider it polite to talk to others without eye contact, Canadians find this rude. The tendency for some Hong Kong people to treat life "as a continuous gamble" to make money also pre- vents recent immigrants from integrating into Canadian society. The Lt. Governor strongly feels that the best way for newcomers to integrate is to vol- unteer to work with people of diverse racial and social backgrounds. He believes that transcending these barriers reduces potential tensions between new immigrants and local people. At the same time he also sympathizes with those people who, after trying very hard, still cannot find a job in Canada and must return to work in Hong Kong. However, for those who only treat life as "continuous gambling to make big money." he suggests they change their way of life. 2 UPDATE David Lain points out thai he is not a rep resentative of Hong Kong immigrants, nor is he appointed by the Hong Kong government. He is the Lieutenant Governor of all the peo- ple o! British Columbia, regardless of their racial origins. Though he has made consider- able effort to promote the relationship between B.C. and Hong Kong, this is for the good of the province and the whole country. He is equally glad to promote relationships with other countries for the benefit of B.C. and Canada. However, he feels the thought that "because the B.C. Lt. Governor is a Chinese-Canadian, the Chinese community should be treated favourably" is harmful and dangerous to building a harmonious society. The Canada and Hong Kong Research Project Finally, David Lam stressed that he is in favour of increasing mutual understanding between Canadians and Hong Kong people. He feels the Project is "taking a correct and worthwhile course." and finds our Updates "interesting and informative." See his letter to the Project below. He also commented that the task of achieving mutual understanding is "not an easy one" and may require more than one generation. The first thing to do is to change attitudes. He dislikes the word "tolerate" in dealing with racial relations because he feels it carries a negative tone: "you have short comings, but I can still bear with you." The 1 ,t. Governor suggests using a more positive word like "celebrate" to refer to the accep- tance of differences between people of diverse backgrounds. "People can learn from each other to build a harmonious society." Therefore, this is the time for changing atti- tudes - for Hong Kong immigrants as well as for other Canadians. David C. Lam (above), Lieutenant- Governor of British Columbia, and (right) his letter to the publishers of the Canada and Hong Kong Update GOVERNMENT HOUSE 1401 ROCKLAND AVENUE VICTORIA, BRITISH COLUMBIA V8S 1V9 In my capacity as the representative in British Columbia of Her Majesty The Queen of Canada, I am delighted to have this opportunity to extend my warmest best wishes to the publishers of Canada and Hong Kong Update . I have had a recent opportunity to read the latest edition of this publication, and I congratulate everyone associated with this interesting and informative newsjournal. In addition to its obvious goal to provide information for readers interested in the relationship between Canada and Hong Kong, I believe that it serves a most important role as a cultural bridge - not only between Hong Kong and Canada, but between people of diverse cultures in Canada. It is, therefore, a significant vehicle for the promotion of better understanding, goodwill and harmony. I wish the Canada and Hong Project well in its continuing efforts to disseminate information of significance to Canada's international relations with Asia. Sincerely, \j%*4* ^ David C. Lam Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia UPDATE 3 Education Programs for Festival Hong Kong '92 On June 29, Mr. James So, Hong Kong's Secretary for Recreation and Culture, offi- cially launched Festival Hong Kong 92 at a press conference in Toronto. This month- long extravaganza, largely initiated by the Hong Kong government, was planned as a follow-up to the Canadian-sponsored Festival Canada 91 . held last June in Hong Kong. The two festivals were developed to "promote friendship and reinforce the growing partner- ship between the two regions." Festival events will be held this fall in five cities across Canada, opening in Toronto on September 26 and closing in Vancouver on October 21 . Other festival cities include Ottawa, Montreal and Calgary. An assort- ment of cultural, business, trade, educational, sporting and social events are scheduled to promote the rich history and tradition of Hong Kong culture — from dance perfor- mances by the Hong Kong Ballet and Chung Ying Theatre Company to sport demonstra- tions and a Hong Kong film festival. The local organizing committee chairmen are as follows: Maurice Copithorne, former Commissioner for Canada in Hong Kong and Professor of Law at ubc, Vancouver: S. Robert Blair, C.C., Chairman Emeritus and Honourary Director of the nova Corporation of Alberta, Calgary: Dr. Robert Bandeen, Trustee of the Lester B. Pearson College of the Pacific and Governor of Olympic Trust of Canada. Toronto; Frank Ling, an architect and National President of the Hong Kong- Canada Business Association, Ottawa; and Bob Issenman, partner of Martineau Walker and Guest Lecturer on Asian Affairs, McGill University. Montreal. Among the many scheduled events are several programs with a more academic focus planned for Toronto and Vancouver. On Sept. 27-Oct. 3, a University Education Programme will be co-sponsored by the University of Toronto and York University. The programme consists of three main parts: a public conference entitled "Societies in Transition," a series of public lectures, and several focused workshops. The primary themes are education, the impact of technolo- gy on society, and societal change. Keynote speakers at these events include Wang Gungwu, Vice Chancellor of the by Janet Rubinqff Toronto University of Hong Kong; Y.C. Cheng, Director, City Polytechnic of Hong Kong; Charles Kao, Vice Chancellor of the Chinese University of Hong Kong; Rosanna Tarn, former member of the hk Executive and Legislative Councils and graduate of U. of T. Faculty of Social Work; Lap-chee Tsui, co-discoverer of the cystic fibrosis gene; and Y.W. Kan, world leader in the field of molecular biology. In addition to public lectures, the focused workshops include Bio-medical Research, co-chaired by Lap-chee Tsui and C.C. Liew (U of T); Education Connections, organized by Bernard Luk (York); Political Transition in Hong Kong, chaired by Paul Evans (York); Business Law Issues, chaired by R. Sharpe (U of T); Constitutional Law Issues, convened by William Angus (York); Societal Issues, organized by Bernard Luk (York), and Visa Students in Metro Toronto, jointly con- vened by Paul Lee and Kathryn Mickle (York). For additional information on the Education Programme, contact Thomas Wu, Coordinator (978-4649) or Linda Arthur, Institute for International Programmes (978-1486; fax 971-1381). Two of these workshops are sponsored by the Canada and Hong Kong Project. The Hong Kong Bill of Rights and Right to Privacy Workshop, convened by W. Angus, will be held on October 2 at York University. Speakers on the Bill of Rights include Andrew Bymes and Nihal Jayawickrama, both of the Faculty of Law, University of Hong Kong. Raymond Wacks, Associate Dean of the Faculty of Law, hku, and Eva Lau, Faculty of Law, hku, will address the issue of privacy and access to information. Planned for October 3, the Hong Kong Visa Students Workshop will explore the problems and perspectives of secondary and university-level visa students. Convenors Kathryn Mickle and Paul Lee will present the findings of their research on hk visa students in the Metro area. The workshop will also feature speakers from the Vancouver Board of Education, Ontario Ministry of Colleges and Universities, and Ontario Community Colleges. The all day session will be held at York. If you would like to attend, please con- tact Janet Rubinoff, Coordinator of the Canada and Hong Kong Project (736-5784). Other events scheduled for Toronto include a downtown "dragon" parade on Sept. 26; a Hong Kong Film Festival (Sept. 10-19), featuring the work of Sylvia Chang (Ai Chia), Asian film star, director and pro- ducer; the Scarborough Lantern Festival on Sept. 29; "Come Celebrate Festival Hong Kong 92 in Chinatown" (Oct. 3); Hong Kong Carnival at the Metro Toronto Convention Centre (Oct. 3-4); the Art of Chinese Theatre - Made in Hong Kong, featuring Cantonese opera. (Aug. 15-Sept. 27) at the Royal Ontario Museum; and a Business Seminar on tourism, investment and development opportunities (Oct. 1 ), fea- turing keynote speaker the Right Hon. Baroness Lydia Dunn. Educational highlights scheduled for Vancouver include a 2-day Conference on Hong Kong: Economic Issues, Legal Issues, Women's Issues, and Human Settlement. Scheduled for October 16-17, the meetings will be held at the David Lam Centre for International Communication, Simon Fraser University at Harbour Centre. The Canada and Hong Kong Project will sponsor the October 1 7 session on Women of Hong Kong, which will be chaired by our director. Diana Lary (ubc). Focusing on both professional and working women in Hong Kong and on Hong Kong women in Canada, the workshop will explore the special quali- ties of Hong Kong women which have led them to play such an important role in the territory's development and the way these qualities have manifested themselves in the process of settlement in Canada. Featured speakers include Emily Lau. Legislative Council, Hong Kong; Janet Salaff, Dept. of Sociology, Univ. of Toronto; Bernard Luk, History Dept., York University; Lillian To, success, Vancouver; Elizabeth Johnson, Museum of Anthropology, ubc; Lucy Roschat. Cathay International TV, Vancouver; and May Partridge, Victoria. Our Fall Update, scheduled for mid- September, will include a more detailed schedule of events for Festival Hong Kong 92. 4 UPDATE Hong Kong's Reactions to New Governor The long-awaited appointment of the new Hong Kong governor w as announced on 24 April 1992. Mr. Christopher Patten, chairman of the British Conservative Party, will serve as the 28th governor of the terri- tory and is expected to remain until the 1997 return of Hong Kong to China. The following report reflects the different reac- tions of Hong Kong people to the unexpect- ed appointment. Although there was speculation prior to the announcement that a politician, rather than a civil servant, would be the next gov- ernor. Mr. Patten was not on the list of pos- sible candidates until his defeat in the uk genera] elections in early April. The imme- diate criticism in Hong Kong w as that Prime Minister John Major's appointment of Patten was a hasty, political manoeuvre to compensate for his election loss. Reflecting the anxiety that the interests of the territory w ere not respected by the British Government, an editorial in Ming Pao [25 April 1992] stated that for the last five years of the transitional period. Hong Kong would be led by someone who was unfamiliar with Hong Kong and Chinese affairs. It argued that the selection of a politician who had just suffered a major election defeat was a mockery to the people of Hong Kong. Other opinions expressed a more favourable attitude to the new governor. Some of the media recognized that despite Patten's inexperience in Hong Kong and Chinese affairs, his appointment did have advantages for the territory. He has been acclaimed a tough, realistic man who will bring a different tone to the government of Hong Kong. Not only is Patten a senior politician in the Conservative Party but, more importantly, he is a personal friend of the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Thus, his close contact with the top figures of the uk Government puts Hong Kong on the British agenda. John Major has given assurances that Patten would have direct access to him and to the Foreign Secretary at all times [see South China Morning Post (SCMP), 25 April]. by Shum Kwok-cheung H< 'in; Kong One article in the Hong Kong Economic Journal [25 April] stressed that Patten might signify a new style of administration. In fact, it was reported by the SCMP [25 April] that when asked whether Downing Street or Hong Kong would come first in a conflict of interests. Patten responded that he would stand up for the interests of the people of Hong Kong. China's response was also positive, and Beijing leaders officially expressed the hope that Sino-British cooperation would contin- ue [SCMP, 26 April 1992]. An editorial in the pro-China newspaper. Wen Wei Po. [25 April] commented that Patten's appointment was beneficial to Hong Kong's administra- tive efficiency in the remaining years of British rule and would establish a smooth passage for the transitional period. A telephone survey, conducted in late April and printed by Sing Tao Daily on May 1-2, reflects the opinions of the general pub- lic of Hong Kong. When respondents were asked to compare the incumbent Governor. Lord Wilson, and the newly appointed Patten, with regard to their abilities to main- tain Hong Kong's prosperity and stability, over 90% gave a score of 50-100 to Wilson. (The minimum passing score was 50.) Reflecting some scepticism towards Patten's appointment, only 75% accorded a passing score to the latter. When asked to assess the performance of Wilson on specific policies, respondents showed most satisfaction with the former governor's handling of Hong Kong-Chinese relations. Ironically, many Hong Kong peo- ple believe that the change of governorship is due to dissatisfaction of Downing Street with Wilson's weak stand in facing China. Such an attitude demonstrates a discrepancy between the UK government and Hong Kong people on how to deal with Beijing. To the question. "Is it necessary for Mr. Patten to get approval from China before a major decision is made." 34.7% of those interviewed agreed and 46.7% disagreed. However, when asked whether it is neces- sary for Mr. Patten to stand up to China to check its interference in Hong Kong internal affairs, only 36% agreed, while 48.1% dis- agreed. These results demonstrate that the opinions of Hong Kong people on facing up to China are ambivalent. Commenting on this uncertainty. Prof. Lau Siu-kai felt these results reflected the declining authority of the Hong Kong gov- ernment and the inevitability of China's interference. He further stated that a previ- ous opinion survey had indicated the major- ity of Hong Kong residents supported the autonomy of the territory's administration, but this trend was changing. The results of the new survey reflect the realization of Hong Kong people that it will be difficult for the HK government to make any major decisions in the next five years without the approval of Beijing. While the change of governor may bring about a new style of administration, the political development of Hong Kong has been constrained by the Basic Law. Room for change seems to be limited unless it is approved by China. Governor Wilson fully understood the difficulties he faced in deal- ing with China. He warned his successor not to let working relations w ith China dete- riorate: otherwise it would be difficult for the government of Hong Kong to run [HK Standard, 27 April 1992]. The beginning of July marked the end of Lord Wilson's term as governor and the start of Chris Patten's appointment. Concern in Hong Kong that he knows little about the territory's affairs has recently been replaced by a feeling that so long as Patten has the ear of the British government and is w illing to stand up to Chinese pressure, he may be more useful for Hong Kong than a gover- nor, such as Lord Wilson, who has a great deal of knowledge about China. This pre- sent enthusiasm for Patten w ill make the start of his governorship smooth. However, the enthusiasms cannot disguise the fact that the road ahead for the last British governor of Hong Kong is very complicated and that the expertise in dealing with China that Lord Wilson displayed may still be very important. UPDATE 5 Trends in Immigration from Hong Kong by Diana Lary Vancouver Canada Communicates in Hong Kong Over the past year there has been a sharp decline in the number of applications for immigration from Hong Kong. The decline may be attributed to the booming economy in Hong Kong and to the recession in Canada. The emigration fever of the past few years seems to have abated. Another explanation might be that the pool of eligi- ble applicants is drying up and that there are fewer people in Hong Kong who are eligi- ble to migrate to Canada. This is unlikely to be the case with the independent class, given the number of young people passing through university or college in Hong Kong (or abroad) each year and getting to levels of skill which would qualify them for an application to migrate to Canada. The fig- ures below are for principal applicants, not individuals. Each application accounts, on average, for just under three people. Applications from Hong Kong, by class 1 TOTAL 1989 Family 7697 Assisted relatives 3009 Independent 3227 Business 8001 Retirees TOTAL 21934 1990 1991 3900 4099 3093 1945 3456 1 1 23 4413 1358 3810 903 18672 9428 The percentage of applications from family members of people already in Canada is rising rapidly, from 21% in 1990 to 43% in 1 99 1 . This is matched by a con- siderable drop off in the number of indepen- dent (skilled workers) applications, from 15% in 1989, to 19% in 1990, and only 12% in 1991. This drop can be seen as a natural part of the process of chain migration, in which the best able to adapt members of the family settle first, followed by relatives who need the benefit of family sponsorship to qualify as immigrants to Canada. There may also be cases in which a person who might qualify as an independent (a spouse or unmarried child) would still prefer to apply through the family class because of the pro- cessing priority given to this class. Processing priorities put family and busi- ness classes at the top of the list. Given the variation in processing time, there can be no correlation between applications and visas issued. Visas issued may be for applications which were made several years before. The number of visas issued is still rising, from 22,566 in 1990 to 26,647 in 1991. The fami- ly class again shows a major leap, from 22% in 1990 to 43% in 1991. The following figures are for individuals to whom visas were issued: Visas issued to Hong Kong residents 1989 1990 1991 Family 3566 4937 11513 Assisted relatives 1580 2297 2206 Independent 9851 6855 1668 Business 7133 6799 8159 Reti rees 1678 3101 22130 22566 26647 From the time of their medicals, which are given shortly before visas are issued, successful applicants have up to one year to land in Canada. This time lag means that it is impossible to make an exact correlation between figures for visas' issued and land- ings in Canada, which may well occur in the calendar year after a visa is issued. There is also the possibility that some people who are issued visas will not use them. Landings by class 1989 1990 1991 Family 3252 5606 8188 Assisted relatives 844 2495 2300 Independent 8923 12779 3037 Business 5319 6787 6339 Retirees 1502 1577' 2182 Others 122 22 5? TOTAL 19962 29266 22105 'Statistics from the Commission for Canada. Hong Kong. The volume of enquiries at the Commission for Canada in Hong Kong is enormous. To meet the demand, the Immigration Section of the Commission introduced a year ago an on-line data sys- tem, can-immigration-net, which provides answers to most of the questions which prospective immigrants and immigration professionals, such as lawyers and consul- tants, may ask. The system provides infor- mation on immigration policy and regula- tions, and on many aspects of Canadian life - housing, social benefits, education, medi- cal care, income tax, etc. It also provides regularly updated information on occupa- tional demand in Canada (for independent immigrants and assisted relatives), on pro- cessing times for immigrant applications in various classes, and on investor projects. Anyone with access to the iNET system can use can-immigration-net for a monthly fee of HK$80 (about CDN$12). The only restric- tion is that since the information provided is copyrighted to the Commission, it cannot be sold. The network helps users to understand the complex Canadian system of immigra- tion because it can take them through the procedures step by step, explaining what is necessary as a user goes along. It makes it possible for people to get information quickly and at any time of the day or night - information which previously they might have had to queue up for hours to get. Information can be down-loaded onto PC's, so that people can study information care- fully. The system also takes pressure off the immigration staff of the Commission, who previously had to spend a lot of time answering the same questions over and over again. There is no parallel system in operation in Canada, where enquiries still have to be made to ceic offices. However, this system can be accessed from Canada through iNET 2000. Subscriptions cost $3.30 per month, with a feature charge of between $ 1 2.35 and $16.50 an hour. Information on subscrip- tions to CAN-IMMIGRATION-NET Can be obtained from inet Customer Assistance Centre, 1-800-267-8480. 6 UPDATE Changes in Family Class Dependency Over the past few years, there has been a considerable increase in the proportion of immigrants from Hong Kong who migrate in the family class. A recent change in the definition of dependency, which came into force on March 27, may have some impli- cations for emigration from Hong Kong. The former definition saw dependency of children on their parents in terms of marital status, something w hich stopped once a child married. Parents could sponsor an unmarried child of any age but could not sponsor a married child. Parents could sponsor a middle-aged bachelor but not an eighteen-year-old widowed daughter. This definition has been replaced by one which reflects economic dependency on parents. Children who are in full-time study and have been continuously supported by their parents since they were nineteen can qualify for sponsorship, while children who are no longer studying become ineligible for direct sponsorship once they are nine- teen. Children with a disability, who are unable to work, can be sponsored at any age. The new regulations will be a disap- pointment for unmarried, working children over nineteen, who become ineligible for sponsorship as dependents. They can still get some help from their families in apply- ing as assisted relatives, but this process takes much longer than an application as a dependent in the family class. Assisted rel- ative applications are processed as a very low priority, while family class has top pri- ority. The minimum processing time for a family class application is now about eigh- teen months, while an assisted relative application takes about forty months. The regulations will encourage young people over nineteen, who are in full time study but already married, to come to Canada, since now they will not have to make personal applications for admission but can be sponsored by their parents. Hong Kong Immigrants in Canada: Highlights One of the most systematic studies yet conducted on Hong Kong immigrants has recently appeared. This study was published in 1991 on the basis of data drawn from a twelve page questionnaire, completed by 5 1 2 immigrants from Hong Kong who entered Canada after 1980. It was conduct- ed by the Alberta Career Development, the Hong Kong Institute of Personnel Management and the Canadian Employment and Immigration Commission. The report found that the great majority of immigrants were pleased with their decision to move to Canada; 56% felt that it had been a good decision, 24% an excellent one. Only 1 % felt that they had made a dreadful mistake. The respondents were in Vancouver. Edmonton and Toronto, most of them between 30 and 39. One third had a university degree; almost 60% had complet- ed their education in Hong Kong, and 22% in Canada. Most could function in English, very few in French. Work experience in Canada was mixed. The majority found their first job within three months of arriving in Canada but had to take a drop in income and status. While 23% reported no change in income. 46% recorded a drop and 3 1 % a rise. A lowering of occupational status was experienced by 62%. while 25% saw no change, and 13% felt that their status had risen. The pattern of change in income was quite marked. At the bottom and top ends of the income scale people had earned more in Hong Kong than they did in Canada, but in the middle income brackets ($15,200 to $59,999) peo- ple earned more in Canada than they had in Hong Kong. Twenty per cent of the respon- dents were earning $ 1 5,000 to $22,000, 25% $22,000 to $37,000. and 15% $38,000 to $60,000. Fifty-three per cent of the respondents were definitely planning to stay in Canada permanently; 31% were undecided, while only 16% definitely wanted to go back to Hong Kong. That 16% was made up largely of younger people who have experienced some difficulty in adjusting to Canada. They were attracted to Hong Kong particu- larly by the promise of higher salaries. In terms of attributes, respondents rated Canada higher for housing, education, neighbours, and crime control, while Hong Kong scored highest for shopping and social life. For further information contact: Dr. William Wong Alberta Career Development and Employment Policy and Research Division 8th Floor, City Centre, 10155-102 Street Edmonton, Alberta T5J 4L5 Tel: 403-427-4746 Fax: 403-422-0897 Lotto 6/49 in Hong Kong: Stage Two In the last Update it was reported that it was now possible to play Lotto 6/49 direct- ly from Hong Kong. It was also mentioned that it was not clear if the promotion and marketing of the lottery tickets was legal under Canadian law. Subsequently, Wellco, the company w hich promotes the sale of the lottery tick- ets in Hong Kong, has come under police investigation. The company has admitted that officers of the Commercial Crime Bureau have collected some of its files for the purpose of investigation. The Consumer Council of Hong Kong issued a statement in early April to the effect that Wellco was nei- ther authorized nor licensed to sell Lotto 6/49 tickets in Hong Kong. The statement also inferred that the hk$20 ticket price was much higher than the price charged for tick- ets in Canada. Wellco has removed the phrase 'operated and controlled by the Canadian Government' from its promotion- al literature, but continues to sell tickets in Hong Kong. UPDATE 7 Success for New Canadian International School by Harriet Clompus Hong Kong The new Canadian International School (CIS) in Hong Kong opened its doors to over 80 students last fall. It was officially opened on 15 November 1991 by the Hon. Otto Jelinek, Canada's Minister of National Revenue, and Mr. James So, Secretary for Recreation and Culture in Hong Kong. Also attending the opening ceremony was the Commissioner for Canada in Hong Kong, John Higginbotham. The school has been an impressive success this year, and over 200 children are expected to enrol next September. Projected enrolments are for 900 students by 1995 (see South China Morning Post, 1 July 1992, Canada Supplement, p. 10). The School was established in response to the Hong Kong government's predicted short fall in places for students requiring a North American-type curriculum and a demand by Hong Kong-bom Canadians for an education using Cantonese, as well as French and English, as the medium of instruction. A need was recognized for a school that would allow children to come from Canada with few adjustment problems and enable students returning from Hong Kong to integrate smoothly back into the Canadian education system. Canadian International School students in the playground In 1990 a recommendation from the Hong Kong Government's International Business Committee initiated discussion between the North American Chambers of Commerce and the government on how a projected shortfall of places should be met. According to Vincent Lee, the 1990 Canadian Chamber President, these discus- sions indicated "the importance the commer- cial sector attached to provision of high-qual- ity Canadian education within the territory as a means of attracting more Hong Kong emi- gres back." Meetings between the Education and Manpower Department and the Canadian and American Chambers of Commerce resulted in the decision to set up a new Canadian International School, initially cater- ing to primary level students. It was deter- mined that other schools in Hong Kong with an accredited Canadian curriculum were directed primarily at preparation of students for migration to Canada rather than for returning emigres. Not only would such a new school be attractive to returning Chinese-Canadians but would also be an important factor in their decision to return to Hong Kong. In December 1990, the Canadian International School Foundation (CISF) was established as a non-profit organization for fund raising and planning for the new school. Represented on the original board were members of the Canadian Club, the Canadian Chamber of Commerce, and the Chinese Canadian Association, while Commissioner John Higginbotham served as an ex-officio founding member. Seven of the twelve founding members were from the Board of the Chinese Canadian Association (CCA), whose aim, according to former Chairman Felix Fong, was "looking after the interests and welfare of Chinese Canadians in Hong Kong." The cca has taken a leading role in fund raising activities for the new school. The speed with which the CIS Foundation worked to set up the new international school within the territory was impressive, particularly since it did not receive any financial assis- tance from the Hong Kong or Canadian gov- ernments. Fund raising events included a "Gala Premier" showing of Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles: the Ooze in July 1991, which earned hk $1,000,000. The as opened last September with almost 100 students in kindergarten to grade five. Sixty per cent of these are Hong Kong- born Canadians, almost twenty per cent com- ing directly from Canada. Next September, it is expected that sixty per cent will come directly from overseas, mostly from Canada. Although the school gives preference to Canadian students, it is open to all nationali- ties. Presently there are pupils from six dif- ferent countries according to its principal, Ian Robertson, making it "truly international." The school has been advertised in both English and Chinese local newspapers, as well as in Canadian editions of Hong Kong Chinese newspapers, like Sing Tao. Starting in April, it has also been promoted in the new weekly Canadian edition of the South China Morning Post. However, Mr. Robertson indi- cated, "The greatest response has been through word of mouth recommendation." Principal Ian Robertson, who was hired from Canada in April 1991, has taught in the Canadian public school system, as well as in an oil company-sponsored school in Libya and the Kuwait English school. He explained that the mandate of the cis is "to educate the whole child - academically, socially and emotionally - to prepare him or her to participate fully in a rapidly- changing global society." Canadian International School Principal Ian Robertson & Brenda Heward with teacher and students The school is essentially trilingual and offers a curriculum based on a combination of courses from Ontario and British Columbia. It is distinguished from other Canadian curriculum schools in Hong Kong by its strict English language entry require- ments which disqualify many local prospec- tive applicants. It differs also in its extensive Cantonese program with instruction starting in preparatory class. Compulsory French is introduced in Grade 4. 8 UPDATE Tuition is relatively affordable at hk$25,000 (about cdn$3,850), plus an indi- vidual debenture fee of hk$ 1 5,000 or a hk$75,O0O transferable corporate debenture. A scholarship fund for pupils in financial need has been set up with a donation of hk$400,000 from the proceeds of Festival Canada '91, held in Hong Kong last June. An indication of the as Foundation's con- fidence in the institution's continued viability after 1997 is its plans to increase the school by a grade each year with grade 6 classes starting this September and K-12 by 1997. Accreditation, which is not required for the primary curriculum, will be sought when the secondary grades start, and Mr. Robertson indicated that the school will probably align with the Ontario system. At present the school is located in the for- mer premises of the Chinese International School in So Kon Po. However, the Foundation has plans in progress to build its own facility within the next five years, and negotiations are already under way for a site within the area. The Hong Kong government has indicated a land grant will be available, but much of the cost of the expansion must be met by the Foundation. According to Brenda Heward, Director of Development of the cisf, "two to three major fund raising events will be organized each year." The first of these events will be an invi- tation performance by the National Ballet of Canada at the Hong Kong Arts and Cultural Centre. The cost of the evening will be hk$ 1 ,000 (appoximately cdn$ 1 50) per per- son, with all proceeds going to the school. The Board of Governors, which has drawn new members from the wider Canadian com- munity in Hong Kong, is now divided into five working groups, one of which focuses on fund raising. The school is also supported by a very active Parents Association, with several parents helping at the school on a regular basis or for special events. Such help includes designing and manufacturing the school uniform. Mrs. Denise Chu, a Hong Kong-bom Canadian who lived in Toronto for ten years before returning to the territory, has two chil- dren in the school and helps out there once a week. She is very committed to the as, and undoubtedly spoke for many other parents when she explained. "We feel very lucky to have this school. Now we don't have to rush back to Canada." Her words indicate that the Foundation is succeeding in its aim to provide a quality education with a Canadian curricu- lum in Hong Kong. Other Canadian School Options in HK by Harriet Clompus Hong Kong, When the Canadian International School (CIS) opened last fall, the local media hailed it as the first Canadian school in the territory. This report drew a swift rebuttal from the principals of three existing accredited Canadian curriculum schools. In a letter to the South China Morning Post, they pointed out "that there are many other schools providing Canadian programs in Hong Kong." The longest established of these is the Canadian Overseas Secondary School found- ed in 1983, which provides Ontario programs from grade 9 to 12, allowing students to acquire Ontario Academic Credits (oac). Principal Alvin Gilles explained that the school is a profit-making institution managed by a local company but owned by South East Asia Preparations Ltd. of Toronto. School fees of hk$38,0O0 (about cdn$5850) in 1991 make this the most expensive Canadian cur- riculum school in Hong Kong. This spring there were 550 pupils of whom 90% were Hong Kong Chinese and 10% other nationalities, including, Mr. Gilles said, "a smattering of returned Hong Kong Chinese." Given the student composition and the provision of remedial English programs, it is clear that the school is geared primarily towards local students who hope to enter ter- tiary education overseas. —i J Canadian Overseas Secondary School The Delia School of Canada (dsc) was founded in 1987 and is one of many private schools of all types managed by the profit- making Delia Group within Hong Kong. It also manages a Delia school in Toronto. DSC follows an Ontario and Maritime accredited curriculum from grade 1 to 12oac, and at pre- sent has a total of 700 pupils enroled. According to its principal, Mr. Alvin Mistruzzi, there are no statistics available for nationality of DSC pupils, but he estimated that approximately one-third of the students are ethnic Chinese. Of these, he did not know how many held Canadian citizenship. The remaining pupils come from several different countries, including Korea, Japan, and Australia. English as a Second Language (esl) is offered, and a "heritage language program" offering French, Chinese, Korean and Japanese will be given from this September. Fees for dsc are hk$2 1 ,400 (cdn$33O0) for primary and hk$25,000 (cdn$3850) for sec- ondary school in 1991-92. When asked whether dsc had been affect- ed by competition from the Canadian International School, Mr. Mistruzzi argued that the two schools had very different mar- kets. "The as is for returned Hong Kong Chinese so at least two-thirds of our students don't even qualify to go there." Although preference is given to Canadian citizens, the as has no restrictions on nationality, but its strict English language requirements disquali- fy many Delia pupils from entry. Prior to the opening of as, the Seaker Chan International School (sas) was the most recently established Canadian curricu- lum school. It is managed by the Chan Education Foundation, a major provider of private education in the territory. Formerly known as the Canadian Program Sham Shui Po, it was founded in 1988 and provided Ontario programs from grade 9 to 1 2oac. In 1991 it began teaching grades 1-8 and changed its name to Seaker Chan International School. According to principal Larry Richardson, the primary program from grade 1 -5 was put on hold. He maintains that this change was in no way connected with the opening of the as and added, "Our two schools have different catchment areas - as is on Hong Kong Island while we are on the Kowloon side." Instead, the decision was due to plans to build a new school on the present site, construction of which will take place in 1992, with a comple- tion date within two years. Grades 6- 1 2 will be temporarily housed in one of the Chan Foundation's other schools. Schools, cont'd page 10 UPDATE 9 Schools, cont'd from page 9 Concern Over Rights to Privacy in Hong Kong This past year, the Seaker Chan International School had 1 70 pupils of whom 90% were ethnic Chinese. Eighty per cent of these were local Chinese while 20% were returned Hong Kong Canadians. Tuition fees are hk23,000 (cdn$3500) for grades 7 and below, and hk$29.000 (cdn$4500) for grades 8 and above. There is no English language entry requirement. After completion of the new school facili- ty, which Mr. Richardson judged would be "a showcase establishment," a vigorous market- ing plan for SOS will be initiated. There is no indication that returned and returning Hong Kong Canadians will be specifically targeted. John Grace, the Information Commissioner for Canada, visited Hong Kong in February. His work involves ensur- ing the right of individuals to get certain forms of information, and is closely linked to the separate function of ensuring the right of individuals to the protection of their privacy. Canada has pioneered legislation in both these fields, in the federal and the provincial areas of jurisdiction. Freedom of information legislation allows people to obtain information from govern- ment and other public sources which is of direct significance to them. Hong Kong has no Freedom of Information Act. and the gov- ernment has no plans to introduce one. Mr. Grace's visit came, ironically, just before an important legal judgment in Hong Kong, in which the Canadian Freedom of Information Act was used to provide evidence for the prosecution. Drs. Linda Koo and John Ho, cancer researchers at the University of Hong Kong, won their case against Dr. Lam Tai- hing, who was found guilty of plagiarising their research. The judgment was based, in part, on documents of Dr. Lam's work obtained from Canada through the Freedom of Information Act. Concern over the need for privacy in Hong Kong is growing. Part of the concern stems from the great amount of information about individuals stored in computer data bases and the misuses to which this informa- tion can be put by people who have access to it. Another part of the concern is political. As 1 997 approaches, there is a fear that the prc practice of keeping dossiers on all individuals may be extended to Hong Kong. The dossier, which starts when a child enters junior middle school, goes with a person for the rest of his/her life. However, the individual has no access to his dossier, and there can be no cor- rection of erroneous or prejudicial informa- tion, prc authorities have already made it known that they keep dossiers on Hong Kong political activists and on anyone who is con- sidered less than sympathetic to the prc. Beijing Update by Jane Greaves Beijing Mainland press coverage of events con- cerning Hong Kong in the first three months of 1992 was largely issue-oriented, but two government messages emerged: 1 ) Beijing is making every effort to maintain produc- tivity and stability in Hong Kong which is in the best interests of both the Mainland and Hong Kong: and 2) individuals and business should begin now to tailor their actions to comply with the Basic Law in preparation for 1997, after which date only those in compliance will be guaranteed the Basic Law's rights and privileges for Hong Kong residents. In addition to the usual assortment of encouraging statistics and investment announcements concerning Hong Kong, the English language China Daily and the Chinese language People's Daily published articles on several important issues affecting Hong Kong. The announcement in January that Beijing was planning to appoint a group of prominent Hong Kong residents to serve as advisors to Beijing on the territory's affairs and the ensuing inaugural ceremony and speeches were thoroughly and enthusi- astically covered. The People's Daily reported that the advisors were appointed at the behest of many Hong Kong residents who felt that the existing channels of com- munication were not sufficient. The advi- sors are "unpaid, without organizational set- ups or offices" and will "in no way affect the administrative management powers of the British or Hong Kong governments dur- ing the transition, nor will they create a so- called second power centre." One of the key contributions of the advisors will be mainte- nance of a stable and prosperous Hong Kong. However, the effect on Hong Kong's sta- bility of appointing such a group without consulting the United Kingdom was not dis- cussed in the Mainland press. In contrast. Hong Kong's South China Morning Post published British Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd's suggestion that Hong Kong might "get the jitters" if China did not con- sult with or inform the UK prior to such uni- lateral actions. The decision to "step up the publicity and promotion of the mini-constitution of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region" was well covered by the Mainland press. The campaign resulted in many arti- cles urging people (Mainland and especially Hong Kong residents) to study the Basic Law to ensure Hong Kong's prosperity and stability in the second half of the transition- al period and beyond. Teaching materials for "such historical documents concerning Hong Kong's political future as the Sino- British joint declaration on the question of Hong Kong and the Basic Law" have been prepared for Hong Kong middle school stu- dents. Much of the coverage of and propa- ganda for the Basic Law uses a carrot-and- stick approach: if individuals respect and act in accordance with the Basic Law, they will be entitled to its rights and privileges. 10 UPDATE The 22nd session of the Sino-British Joint Liaison Group (JLG) in Hong Kong, from March 24 to 26, received minimal press. The only article listed the issues cov- ered and reported a fruitful exchange of opinions, but did not discuss areas of con- tention between the two sides. This single, brief report is in keeping with recent cover- age of Sino-British negotiations over Hong Kong. Qian Qichen's March visit to London, during which he handed over China's articles of accession of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, was fully cov- ered, but his talk with John Major over Hong Kong was dealt with in a few lines. The American bill setting out us policy on Hong Kong received a sharp, terse, and unsurprising response: China firmly opposed any attempt at "internationalizing" the Hong Kong issue. A Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman's comment that "the Hong Kong question is a matter between China and the United Kingdom before July 1 , 1997, and an internal affair of China after that date." appeared in both Chinese and English papers. Reporting on the recent session of the National People's Congress made only brief mention of Hong Kong: a six line report on a small group discussion of Hong Kong and Macao ("Delegates from Hong Kong and Macao can be very Useful"); and an article that the proceedings of the npc were being reported in a timely fashion in the Hong Kong press. Evidently, the Hong Kong issue is resolved in the eyes of the Beijing leadership and merits no further discussion by the ncp. The one important issue that was not mentioned at all in the Mainland press was the Hong Kong budget and the negotiations in the territory's Legislative Council to get it passed. Lu Ping. Director of the State Council's Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office, criticized the budget as he felt it deviated from the financial principles of the Basic Law — keeping government expendi- tures within the limits of revenue rather than increasing revenue to meet expendi- tures, as Financial Secretary Hamish Macleod's budget proposes. However, Lu Ping's comments went unreported in China. Hong Kong, Canada and Foreign Investment Protection Foreign investment is becoming an increasingly important factor in world trade flows and. thus, in Canada's commercial and financial relations with other countries. Because of this fact and because foreign investment can be seen as an indicator of confidence in an economy, foreign invest- ment protection has become a more signifi- cant issue in Canada's relations with Hong Kong, to the point that discussions have taken place on a foreign investment protec- tion agreement. There are many advantages to establish- ing agreements on foreign investment pro- tection between countries with significant economic ties. While the details vary with each accord, foreign investment protection agreements provide a legal framework for protection of investment and, in case of expropriation or other developments, pro- vide for international arbitration to settle disputes arising from such actions. Foreign investment protection agreements can also establish compensation in the case of losses This is a view of Hong Kong's infamous Walled City which is now being torn down. For a recent report on the demoli- tion of this historic area (la Cite des Ombres), see the article, "Requiem pour une cite maudite," by Luc Chartrand in Actualites (vol. 17, 15 Juin 1992: 11-12). arising from changes in policy, natural dis- asters, or other developments. Such com- pensation is determined on the basis of Favoured Nation status with respect to pro- tection of investment, so that terms are no less favourable than those provided to each country's own investors. Of course, the details vary with each foreign investment protection agreement. Given the nature of these agreements, they represent a mutual vote of confidence in the economy and stability of the signato- ries. This is particularly important for Hong Kong. Foreign investment agreements, par- ticularly with major investor countries, rep- resent a vote of confidence in the territory's future after it becomes a Special Administrative Region of China in 1997. Such agreements indicate other countries have faith that Hong Kong's role as a finan- cial centre will continue, that it will pre- serve a capitalist, market-based economic climate which has been its source of wealth, and that political changes will not adversely affect its investment climate. As trade and investment become increasingly linked, such agreements also reflect confidence in Hong Kong as a major Asian trading part- ner in itself and as a entrepot for trade with China. As significant trading partners. Canada and Hong Kong are both interested in for- eign investment protection and are now in the midst of negotiating such an agreement. Initial consultations have taken place, and both sides are reviewing draft agreements in preparation for further discussions. When an agreement is reached, it will not only demonstrate Canada's interest in continued promotion of investment from Hong Kong, as well as Hong Kong's confidence in the Canadian economy, but also it will be seen as an indication that Canada has confidence in the economic and political stability of Hong Kong after 1997. Thus, such an agreement is by extension a vote of confi- dence that the People's Republic of China will live up to its commitment to retain Hong Kong's present economic environ- ment in order to preserve its role as a major financial and trading centre in Asia, as well as a motor for the growth and moderniza- tion of the prc's own economy. UPDATE 11 Premier Bob Rae's Visit to Hong Kong Premier Rae visited Japan and Hong Kong in May to strengthen the existing ties between Ontario and Asia. In Hong Kong he met the governor. Lord Wilson, industrialists K.S. Li (Li Ka Shing), ES. Cheng and James Ting, and members of the Canadian business community. He also met James So, Secretary for Recreation and Culture, who is responsi- ble for Festival Hong Kong in Canada. Addressing the Ontario Legislature after his return he said: This visit reinforced my belief that Ontario must strengthen its links to these important economic partners. It may sound like a cliche, but the energy and vibrancy of the people and the economies hit you as soon as you step off the plane at Hong Kong's Kaitak airport, or the moment you reach Tokyo. We share a rich history; thanks to decisions made by hundreds of thousands of individuals, Asia and the Pacific have become a pan of Ontario's heritage. People from all parts of Asia have chosen to make Ontario their home; and although they have become Canadians, they have not abandoned their languages, cultural roots or contacts. By phone, fax. jet and video cassette, Ontario is now profoundly linked with Asia. Premier Rae also stressed the impor- tance for Ontario of thinking internation- ally, for training young people in Asian languages and then making good use of them in business. He concluded: We must move from simply being exporters to promoting a truly inter- national perspective. Our education, training, our investment and indus- trial strategies, our communications systems and language programmes, our marketing skills, all can foster this perspective. This is something well known in Japan and Hong Kong, and in many other countries. Our businesses and our young peo- ple must begin to see themselves and their future in this light. This is Ontario's challenge. Municipality Takes Proactive Approach to Economic Development The following is a statement by Mayor Joyce Trimmer written for the Canada and Hong Kong Update, after her return from a month's trip to Asia this spring. In order to promote business interests for the City of Scarborough, the Mayor visited sev- eral cities in China, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Japan between March 20 and April 16. Her trip included a week in Hong Kong from March 29 to April 5. As Mayor of Scarborough, one of Canada's largest cities, I believe it is very important to play a dynamic role in encour- aging business opportunities from Hong Kong. The role of municipal government in many areas, including economic develop- ment, is a proactive one. With the increas- ing pressure on municipalities to undertake greater responsibilities, and with that a greater financial burden, it is important to target and effectively attract new business investment to stimulate economic develop- ment. In an effort to pursue economic develop- ment goals, as well as to better understand Scarborough's growing Hong Kong popula- tion (the city has one of the largest Hong Kong populations in Canada). I undertook a business trip to the territory last April. This was my second visit to Hong Kong, and in many ways was an opportunity to follow up with the many business contacts made pre- viously. The rationale for selecting Hong Kong as a target for business interests rests on its "fit" with Scarborough. Given the population ties and other similarities, Scarborough is well positioned as a destina- tion for Hong Kong business investment. My major task was to communicate the benefits of establishing a business in Scarborough and to promote our diverse business community. Since our existing commercial community is of vital impor- tance, my trip was also a chance to articu- late its needs in order to foster possible joint ventures and export opportunities. A full week was spent in Hong Kong meeting with government officials, business associations and entrepreneurs. In the devel- opment of my itinerary, I was quite pleased by the level of interest shown by many busi- nesses in Scarborough. In the course of this trip, I also had the opportunity to visit and meet with government and business offi- cials in Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, Wuxi, Taipei, and Sagamihara. Japan. Upon arriving in Hong Kong. I met with members of the hk government, and during our discussions I had the opportunity to expand on Scarborough's participation in the upcoming Festival Hong Kong 92. Our city will host a major event Sept. 29, the Scarborough Lantern Festival, based on tra- ditional lantern festivals in Hong Kong. Following the meetings with government dignitaries, I met many business representa- tives, all of whom welcomed me warmly and showed great interest in Scarborough. I held many fruitful meetings with the Chinese Manufacturers Association, the Hong Kong Trade Development Council, several high profile developers and major Hong Kong investors in Canada, and mem- bers of both the Canadian and Ontario Government trade offices. I also conducted several well-attended business seminars, facilitated by the Ministry of Industry, Trade and Technology and Scarborough's Economic Development Department and opened a Hong Kong branch of a Scarborough real estate company. Results of Scarborough's business trip to Hong Kong include numerous commercial inquiries, visits by two business delegations, an enhanced relationship with residents originally from Hong Kong, and the estab- lishment of Scarborough as a viable loca- tion for investment from Hong Kong. In the local business arena, I am working to further the interests of our business com- munity by keeping it informed of the oppor- tunities in Hong Kong, via seminars and personal meetings. Municipalities must help their local commercial establishments sur- vive the current economic situation, by thinking and acting "globally." Hong Kong and Scarborough have much to gain from each other in our increasingly complex world economy. 12 UPDATE New Brunswick Premier Visits Hong Kong Understanding Consumers Moving between Cultures Frank McKenna, the premier of New Brunswick, visited Hong Kong from March 7 to 11. The purpose of his visil was to pro- mote the potential for investment and for business opportunities in New Brunswick. Travelling with the premier was a group of New Brunswick business people. The pre- mier visited the site of the new airport at Chek Lap Kok on Lantau Island and went to the Delia School in Takko Shing. a school which uses the New Brunswick cur- riculum. In a speech to the Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong, Premier McKenna stressed that New Brunswick is anxious to attract investment from abroad. The province has the advantage of a loca- tion close to the usa. for trade opportunities under the Free Trade Agreement, and an export-oriented economy. Two-thirds of all production is exported. New Brunswick has the fastest growing economy in Atlantic Canada, based on its abundance of natural resources. Future development will be helped by a strong bilingual education sys- tem and a skilled work force. It has a base of productive old industries, in natural resources and foodstuffs, and some success- ful new industries. The premier foresaw possible partner- ships with Hong Kong in forest products. There has been some Hong Kong invest- ment in the province already, for example Atlantic Canada Textiles and whk Woven Labels. More will be welcomed. There are 200 students from Hong Kong at the University of New Brunswick, whose largest alumni association outside New Brunswick, with one hundred members, is in Hona Kona. Correction In the last Update Issue we erroneously reported in the article on Pre-migration Programs in Hong Kong that the Meet with Success programme had received financial support from the Canadian gov- ernment, provincial government offices in Hong Kong, and other local associations such as the Canadian Chamber of Commerce. According to Larry Mills, President of Meet with Success, the pro- gramme is funded only through private sources which include "donations provided by the participants of these weekly semi- nars and from other private donations." We regret the error. Professors David K. Tse {University of British Columbia, Faculty of Commerce and Business Administration) and Wei-Na Lee (University of Texas. Austin, Dept. of Advertising) have recently conducted a study of consumer habits of Hong Kong immigrants In Canada. Their research project focused on how Hong Kong immi- grants have changed the products they own. whether they have altered their shopping behaviour, and how they partici- pate in Chinese and/or Canadian cultural activities. The following is a summary by David Tse of the objectives and major find- ings of their research. Objectives: When Hong Kong consumers move to Canada, will they purchase the same set of products that they used to own? Will they retain the same shopping habits and buy from similar outlets with the same frequency? Will they practice Chinese and/or Canadian cultur- al activities? These are some of the questions examined in the Lee and Tse study on how Hong Kong immigrants changed their behaviour when they came to Canada. Answers to these questions have both man- agerial and public policy implications. For example, should companies adopt similar marketing strategies to these immigrants? If they change at all. in what areas would Hong Kong immigrants become like Anglo- Canadians, or do they always remain as Chinese from Hong Kong. Design: The study surveyed four groups of con- sumers (total of 938), including Anglo- Canadians, recent Hong Kong immigrants, former Hong Kong immigrants (who immi- grated before 1984), and Hong Kong resi- dents. They were questioned on their product ownership, retail shopping behaviour, and a set of value-related activities. Major Findings: It was found that the immigrants reclassi- fied the products they own. As expected, recent Hong Kong migrants had lower family income than their Canadian counterparts. The former assumed conservative financial plans. Though they bought a comparable percentage of private cars, microwave ovens, and single family houses, they bought fewer air-condi- tioners and condominiums compared with Hong Kong residents and Anglo-Canadians. New immigrants shopped more frequently in supermarkets, but they complemented their grocery shopping in Chinatown and Chinese stores. They did not like to buy pre-owned products, such as from flea markets and garage sales. For professional services, they went to Chinese physicians and Chinese accountants. They accepted value free activi- ties readily and tried to maintain Chinese cul- tural activities. At the same time, they also celebrated Canada Day and participated in community centre events. With regard to mar- riage, the newer immigrants did not readily accept non-Chinese spouses for their children. Former Hong Kong immigrants, who had stayed more than seven years in Canada, earned a comparable Anglo-Canadian family income. As a result they classified products differently and owned more household appli- ances (private cars, microwaves, single family homes) and more recreational products (VCRs, BBQs, and multiple TVs) than Anglo-Canadians. Their shopping behaviour was closer to Anglo-Canadians, representing a 'melting pot' phenomenon, though they complemented their grocery purchases at Chinese stores and at Chinatown businesses. Like recent immigrants, they shopped less often at flea markets and garage sales. With better ability in spoken English, they went less often to Chinese physicians or accountants compared to recent immigrants. In terms of culturally relevant activities, they seemed to be more bi-cultural. maintaining their Chinese traditions (celebrating Chinese New Year) along with Canadian traditions (Canada Day). However, they were more willing to accept interracial marriage for their children. In general, it was found that the immi- grants reconceptualized the products they own, changed their retail shoppping behavior, and selectively adapted some value related activities. The findings suggest that environ- mental influences and cultural relevancy are important to the immigrants' adaptation to the norms of their new home. For further information about this study, please write to Prof. David K. Tse, Faculty of Commerce and Business Administration, ubc, Vancouver, B.C., Canada V6T 1Z2 or phone (604) 822-8364. UPDATE 13 Tiananmen Memorial On May 3 1 , a memorial meeting was held at Toronto City Hall to commemorate the third anniversary of the Peking Massacre. The meeting was addressed by the Nobel Laureate, Professor John Polanyi. Messages of support were read from Jean Chretien, leader of the Liberal Party, and Audrey McLachlan, leader of the New Democratic Party. After the meeting, about one thousand people marched to the University of Toronto for the dedication of a bronze memorial to the students and citizens of China who died on 4 June 1989. (The plaque beneath the bronze was stolen on the night of June 3.) The memorial was unveiled by Gordon Cressy, Vice President, University of Toronto, Dick Chan, Chair of the Toronto Association for Democracy in China, and Farrah Jinha, President of the University of Toronto Students' Administrative Council. Peter Guo. imme- diate past president of the Students' Administrative Council, and Zhang Xiangmin, Vice-President of the Federation of Chinese Students and Scholars in Canada, also spoke. A statue of the Goddess of Democracy was also presented at the ceremony at City Hall. A truck carrying the statue led the rally to U. of T. for the dedication and then to the Chinese consulate where the statue was assembled. The 25 foot replica, made of wire mesh, wood and canvas, is a collec- Goddess of Democracy Student Centre, York University rive work by the Toronto Design for Democracy Group, consisting of young Canadian Chinese artists, students and designers. The statue has been loaned for three years to York University where it was erected on June 4 in the lobby of the new student centre. There are plans for the fourth anniversary memorial next year to gold leaf both the bronze wall sculpture at U. of T. and the Goddess of Democracy statue at York. The Chinese Consulate General in Toronto protested to the university presi- dents about both memorials, claiming that they were being mounted by "a small num- ber of hostile elements" whose aim was to "hurt the feelings of the Chinese people" and undermine Sino-Canadian friendship. Dick Chan, Farrah Jinha and John Polanyi at the unveiling of a Bronze Memorial at the University of Toronto Project Workshop on China-HK Relations by Bob Perrins Toronto The Canada and Hong Kong Project recently sponsored a workshop on China in Transition: Implications for Hong Kong. Sessions were held at York University and the University of Toronto on 11-12 June 1992. Convened by Prof. Victor Falkenheim (U of T), the workshop focused on political and economic changes in China and their impact on Hong Kong. It also examined us and Canadian government policies towards Hong Kong. Four papers were presented: 1 ) The New China News Agency, by John Burns, Department of Political Science, University of Hong Kong; 2) Current Political Developments in China: Implications for Hong Kong, by Carol Lee Hamrin, East Asia Division, U.S. Department of State and Adjunct Prof, of Chinese History, School of Advanced International Studies. Johns Hopkins University; 3) Changing Patterns of Regional Administration in China: Implication for Hong Kong, by Victor Falkenheim, Department of Political Science, University of Toronto; and 4) Hong Kong and the Rise of 'Greater China 1 : Policy Issues, by David M. Lampton, President, National Committee on US-China Relations. The meetings conclud- ed with remarks by Donald Waterfall (North Asia Relations, External Affairs and International Trade Canada) and a round- table discussion (chaired by B. Michael Frolic) on policy implications for both Canada and the U.S. Among the more than thirty participants were representatives from Canadian and American government, busi- ness and private agencies, members of the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office, reporters from The Financial Post and Sing Tao Newspapers, and a number of aca- demics and graduate students. Diana Lary, director of the Canada and Hong Kong Project, opened the workshop with brief remarks on the importance to Hong Kong of the ongoing changes and uncertainties within the People's Republic of China (prc). As 1997 approaches. Prof. 14 UPDATE Lary believes, it is imperative to monitor and understand the domestic economic and political transformations within the prc and to analyze their impact on the people of Hong Kong. The papers focused on the interaction between the prc and Hong Kong. John Bums's paper presented a fascinating and detailed study of the workings of the prc's operational organ in Hong Kong - the New China News Agency (ncna). Stating that the PRC's overall goal is the smooth transfer of authority in Hong Kong as laid out in the Basic Law, Bums outlined the ncna's efforts to promote China's interests in the territory and strengthen Beijing's hand prior to 1997. Activities of the ncna include pro- paganda work, maintenance of close rela- tions with the leftist press, involvement in United Front work, the attempt to coordi- nate and control other leftist organizations including trade unions, and the effort to fos- ter the development of a pro-Beijing politi- cal force within Hong Kong. Bums con- cluded that the future of the territory will largely depend on the outcome of a struggle between the ncna and Hong Kong's articu- late and rising middle class. Carol Hamrin discussed the workings of the various political organs within the PRC that are involved in drafting and implement- ing policy related to Hong Kong. The high- est level of these organs is the Politburo's Standing Committee, the leadership core, which is responsible for drafting the general guidelines regarding China's vision of Hong Kong's future. The next level, or executive core, is the Hong Kong and Macao Working Committee which is responsible for policy coordination. Below this Committee is the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council, the administrative core which formulates concrete policies and oversees general administrative functions. The lowest level discussed by Prof. Hamrin is the New China News Agency and its Working Committee, both of which are involved in policy implementation and intelligence research. It is the ncna's Working Commit- tee which may form the core of the control system over Hong Kong affairs after 1997. Victor Falkenheim's paper reviewed the growth of regional/provincial powers within China, the decentralization of control in the 1980s, regional experiments like Special Economic Zones, and their implications for the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (sar). Prof. Falkenheim proposed that perhaps the best way to view Hong Kong's future within the prc is to under- stand it in relation to the diverse and decen- tralized regional structures that have operat- ed with increasing flexibility in the reform period. After 1997 Hong Kong might serve as an arena within which China could gain experience in managing a more pluralistic system - experience potentially transferable to its 'domestic' centre-region relations. David Lampton's paper focused on Hong Kong in relation to the emergence of a regional, integrated economy linking Hong Kong, the Mainland and Taiwan, termed by some observers 'Greater China.' His com- ments presented a more optimistic view of Hong Kong's future and the modernizing influence of both Hong Kong and Taiwan on China. He also addressed the importance of the growth of 'Greater China' for the development of us policy. Finally, he stressed the importance of the private, rather than governmental, sector in maintaining confidence in Hong Kong and making it a "more important place to China." Lampton concluded that Hong Kong's economic strength, coupled with the present world- wide trend towards regional integration, means that Beijing is unlikely to strangle the goose from which it hopes to procure many golden eggs. Publication of these papers by the Project is expected in early 1993. Canada-Hong Kong Database by Bob Perrins Toronto The Canada and Hong Kong Project has been involved in compiling a bibliographic database for the past two years. This database contains information not only on recent monographs published about Hong Kong but. more importantly, on newspaper clippings and magazine articles which deal with Hong Kong and the territory's relations with Canada. Some of the more common categories of material are immigration, set- tlement, investment, business, and political developments within Hong Kong and the prc - the most prominent being the Port and Airport Development Strategy (pads). Several research assistants in Hong Kong, Beijing, Vancouver, Ottawa and Toronto monitor the print media in both Chinese and English and send monthly reports to the Project. The relevant biblio- graphic information is input into the database, and copies of many of the original sources are maintained on file. Researchers interested in specific aspects of Hong Kong's relations with Canada may request from the Project a bibliographic printout, including abstracts. Where sources are more difficult to obtain and copies exist on file, they are available upon request for a small xeroxing and mailing fee. Some of the media regularly monitored for the database include the Toronto and Vancouver editions of Sing Tao News- papers, the Vancouver Sun. Toronto Star. Globe and Mail. New York Times. Asiaweek. Far Eastern Economic Review. South China Morning Post. Hong Kong Standard, the London Times, and the Beijing editions of People's Daily and China Daily. UPDATE 15 New Project Publications The Project announces the publication of the first monograph in our new Can Hong Kong Papers: Politics and Society in Hong Kong towards 1997, ejjj Burton. This book is a collection of the papers from our first Projec^ January 1991. Articles include "Under China's Shadow: Re Unionism Toward 1997" by Ming K. Chan; "Education i Beyond" by Bernard Hungkay Luk; "Crises and Jj| for Christian Organizations in Hong Kong" Refuge: Freedom of the Press Under cost of this publication is con$1 publication is the first in Kong with China in University of "Chin ed by Charles workshop, held 5 TOblitik of Hong Kong Labour long Kong Up to 1997 and nsformation: the Implications of 1997 Thomas In-sing Leung; and "Uncertain te Hong Kong Bill of Rights" by Perry Keller. The '(plus additional charge for overseas airmail). Our second ?Ijr Research Papers series, The Economic Integration of Hong w 1990s: The Impact on Hong Kong by Yun-Wing Sung (Chinese JTong Kong). This is a paper presented at the Vancouver workshop, J3nd its Hinterland," on January 17-18, 1992. Cost of the publication is cdn $7. Both lese publications can be directly ordered from the Canada and Hong Kong Project. The CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE is distributed free Please call or write to us if you are not on our mailing list. Past issues are available 'on request. Telephone: (416) 736-5784 Fax: (416) 736-5688 Canada and Hong Kong Project JOINT CENTRE FOR ASIA PACIFIC STUDII Suite 270, York Lanes, York University 4700 Keele Street, North York, Ontario CANADA M3J 1P3 CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Number 8 LSpadi Rm. Ill •' Governor Patten's Policy Speech to Legco On7 October 1992, the Rl. Hon. Christopher Patten gave his maiden policy address at the opening of the legislative session outlining his agenda for the next five years before Hong Kong's return to Chinese sovereign- ty in 1997. In this key speech he emphasized that his first duty as Governor "must be to secure stability and pn >s - perity in a way that sustains Hong Kong's freedoms and way oj life." He was confident that Hong Kong "can achieve an annual rate of 5' i economic growth in real terms between now and 1997" because of the territoiy's "four unique ad- vantages:" rapid economic expansion which is transforming the whole of the region; the astonishing performance of southern China. to which Hong Kong makes a major contri- bution and which has created valuable trade and investment opportunities: traditional commitment to minimal government interfer- ence and maximum support for business expansion; and the exceptional qualties and enterprise of Hong Kong people. He unveiled the following pat kage of proposals to develop Hong Kong's repre- sentative institutions to the maximum extent within the terms of the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law. Political Development: "...the pace of democratization in Hong Kong is - we all know - necessarily con- strained. But it is constrained, not stopped dead in its tracks. . . standing still is not an available option. The Governments of the United Kingdom and China have agreed in the Joint Declaration that democra- cy should be carried forward with a Legislature constituted entirely by elections. The Basic Law provides for a steady increase in the number of those directly elected to the Legislature. It does not visualise stagnation. What is more, and this was doubtless recog- nised by those who drafted the Basic law. the community wants a greater measure of democracy. Whenever the community is asked, that is the answer it gives. Policy Speech, cont'd page 2 ' FALL 1992 Reaction to Patten's Constitutional Proposals by Bernard Luk York University The Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Future of Hong Kong ( 1 984) provided for a Special Administrative Region (SAR) gov- ernment after 1997 which would be "firmly rooted" in Hong Kong, with an executive that would be "accountable"' to an elected legisla- ture. The government would enjoy a "high degree of autonomy" from Beijing in areas other than foreign affairs and defense. Since the ratification of the agreement, however, the Chinese government acted con- sistently to limit the growth of representative institutions in Hong Kong, and the British authorities acquiesced by accepting the idea that developments before 1997 had to "con- verge" with provisions of the Basic Law of the SAR. drafted by a Beijing-appointed committee. The Basic Law, promulgated in 1990 in the aftermath of the Tiananmen massacre, strongly reflects the concerns for political control of the Communist leadership in China, and the socio-economic conservatism Reaction, cont'd page 2 IN THIS ISSUE: Governor Patten's Policy Speech to Legco 1 Reaction to Patten's Constitutional Proposals 1 Governor Patten Visits Canada 5 Canada Celebrates Festival Hong Kong 92 5 Universities Sian Joint Agreement 7 Change in Canada and Hong Kong 7 Legco Delegation Visits Canada 8 Changing Patterns of Immigration H Life Style Changes of Immigrant Women 9 Visa Students' Experiences in Canada 10 Canadian Stories 1 1 Dia^nii*, of Crime Asian Gangs in Canada 1 1 Crime Wa\e m Hong Kong 1 1 Hong Kong in the Mainland Press 12 China-Hong Kong Legal Relations 13 New Asia Pacific Centre Inaugurated in Montreal 15 Montreal Documentary on Hong Kong 15 New Project Publications 16 per F1029.5 H6 C36 CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Editors Diana Lary Bernard Luk Janet A. Rubinoff Illustration & IMS Creative Design Communications Contributors Jane Greaves Frederick Lee Perry Keller Shuki Mo Shum Kwok-cheung Wendy Tang Camilla and Hong Kong Update is published 3-4 times a year by the Canada and Hong Kong Project Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, Suite 270, York Lanes, York University, 4700 Keele St.. North York, Ontario. CANADA M3J IP3 Telephone: (416) 736-5784 Fax:(416)736-5688 Opinions expressed in this newsjournal are those of the author alone. CANADA AND HONG KONG PROJECT Co-Directors Diana Lary Bernard Luk Coordinator Janet A. Rubinoff idvisi " v Board David Bond Mary Catherine Boyd Denise Chong Maurice Copithome B. Michael Frolic John Higginbotham Graeme McDonald T.G. McGee Jules Nadeau William Saywell Wang Gungwu We want to thank the Donner Canadian Foundation for its very generous support which has made this project possible. The Foundation's long-standing interest in Canada's international relations with Asia has enabled us to conduct research which we consider to be of great significance for the future of the country. This publication is free. Please call or write to us for past or future issues. Policy Speech, cont'd from page 1 "Democracy is more than just a philosoph- ical ideal. It is, for instance, an essential ele- ment in the pursuit of economic progress.... Without the rule of law buttressed by demo- cratic institutions, investors are left unprotect- ed. Without an independent judiciary enforc- ing laws democratically enacted, businesses will be vulnerable to arbitrary political deci- sions taken on a whim - a sure recipe for a collapse in confidence and a powerful deter- rent to investors from overseas." ExCo-LegCo Relationship: "In tackling constitutional development, there are some things we can change immediately in order to strengthen our representative institutions. Other improvements are longer term and relate principally to the 1995 elections "My intention is to insure that we have vig- orous and effective executive-led Government that is properly accountable to this Legislative Council. I believe that at the present stage of our political development, there is a danger of confusion and muddle in their roles which will both undermine the competence of the Executive and inhibit the effective develop- ment of the Legislature as an independent check on Government.. ..As the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law both make plain, it is the Legislature which is the main constitutional element that must be developed. That is, therefore, my major concern." ExCo: "I have concluded that. ..there should not be any overlapping membership between the Executive and Legislative Councils. I intend. ...to separate the non-offi- cial membership of the two bodies. This should allow both Councils to play their proper roles. In future within this Council, political parties and groups will be free to develop their programmes and platforms, without the constraints that membership of the Executive Council must impose.... "I intend the new Executive Council to be a non-party political body to which I can look for sound, impartial advice on the wide range of issues that come before the Adminis- tration. I am, therefore, appointing to ExCo independent members of the community, dis- tinguished in their own walks of life, who can give me advice without the conflicting loyalties of active day-to-day political involvement. There will also be a number of senior government officials on the Council." LegCo: "Separating the non-government membership of the two Councils implies that LegCo must be left free to run its own affairs and, in the process, to develop further its rela- tionship with the Government.... I wish to hand over as soon as possible the responsibil- ities of presiding over this Council to a President elected by you from among your own members.... Reaction, cont'd from page 1 of their allies in Hong Kong, the capitalist elite. It adheres to the wording of the Joint Declaration but interpreted away much of its spirit. Il prescribes an executive-dominated government with a chief executive appointed by Beijing. The post- 1997 chief executive will have to render an annual "account" to a legislature which will have only one-third of its members returned by popular elections and two-thirds elected by small elite con- stituencies or committees of Beijing- appointees. These provisions were imposed by Beijing despite clear indications that a majority of people in Hong Kong favoured a higher degree of democracy in their political system. Governor Christopher Patten's constitu- tional proposals [see Policy Speech, p. 1 -4] have turned the table on Beijing. They adhere to the wording of the Basic Law, but fill in the many grey areas in that document (pre- sumably left by Beijing for interpretation by itself towards or after 1 997). by introducing mechanisms and provisions intended to bring the make-up of the Legislative Council some- what closer to the spirit of the Joint Declaration. These proposals were warmly welcomed by people in Hong Kong, as indi- cated in a number of opinion polls, as well as in town-meeting style gatherings and radio phone-in programmes in which Patten explained his proposals to the public. Beijing's reaction has been predictably negative and vehement. Patten was given a cold, and at times vituperative, reception when he visited Beijing from 20-22 October, after his policy address on 7 October. Lu Ping, director of the Hong Kong and Macau Office of the State Council, publicly demand- ed that the proposals be withdrawn, or else 2 UPDATE "We are read) to work actively with Members in developing financial and man- agerial autonomy in organising \our own administration and support facilities. "We need to develop the relationship between this Council and the Gov eminent so as to ensure that public business. ..is conduct- ed efficiently. I propose that a Govemment- LegCo Committee should be established where the Administration can discuss with members of this Council the handling of the Administration's legislative and financial pro- grammes... ." 1995 Elections: "The reforms I have out- lined will set the stage for the changes which are needed for the 1995 elections. I know that many people regard the key issue as being the number of directly -elected seats. On present plans, this will rise from 18 to 20 in 1995, and will increase at subsequent elections with the ultimate aim of achieving a Council com- posed entirely of directly-elected Members. For some time, it has been argued that we should seek to quicken the pace of this devel- opment, and the British Government has pledged to pursue this w ith the Chinese Government.... The Chinese position is that such a move would be incompatible w ith the Basic Law and they have said that the Basic Law cannot be changed before 1997.... "But this is not the only way of building up democracy in Hong Kong. 1 am keen that we should explore in parallel how to develop our representative institutions to the maxi- mum extent within the terms of the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law.... "i want to emphasise that we have embarked upon these discussions, begun by the Foreign Secretary, in good faith and with a v iew to demonstrating to our Chinese col- leagues the benefits which a more representa- tive system will bring to Hong Kong....[T]he proposals I am putting forward.. .will require serious discussion with Peking.... What I will therefore set out. ..is the broad shape of the understanding which I hope we can achieve both within the community and w ith the Chinese Government." Lower Voting Age: "First, as the Council has itself recommended. I wish to see the vot- ing age reduced from 21 to 18. Eighteen is regarded in China and in Britain, and in coun- tries right across the world, as a sensible vot- ing age...." Single Vote, Single Seat: "Turning next to the voting system for geographical con- stituencies. I believe this should aim to be clear and equitable and to command the con- fidence of voters. The 1991 system of double member constituencies has been criticised.... [T]he best option in my view is to give each elector a single vote for a single directly elected representative in a single seat con- stituency." Functional Constituency Revisions: "Third, we need to.. ..deal with some of the criticisms that have been levelled at the exist- ing functional constituencies by giving them a broader electorate and. therefore, a broader base nt support. ...|T|he whole system. ..will gain inestimably in credibility of we can show that every working member of the com- munity has a second vote to represent his or her interests at the place of work. "So tar as the present functional con- stituencies are concerned. I propose that all forms of corporate voting should be replaced by individual voters "[T]hese measures would expand the fran- chise in the functional constituencies con- cerned by more than five times.... The sim- plest and fairest approach for the nine new constituencies would be to define them so that they include the entire working popula- tion.. ..[These new constituencies would include primary production, pow er and con- struction: textiles and garments: manufactur- ing: import and export; wholesale and retail; hotels and catering; transport and communi- cation; financing, insurance, real estate and business services; and community, social and personal services.] "Such a step would have two main effects. First, it would give every single worker in Hong Kong the opportunity to elect to the Legislative Council a Member to represent Policy Speech, cont'd page 4 Beijing would take unilateral drastic actions with regard to both the political system and the proposed airport before and after 1997. Lu also alleged that the Chinese and British governments had agreed in writing in 1990 to preclude the kind of development now pro- posed by Patten. Diplomatic correspondence dating from 1990. published by the Hong Kong government in response to Lu's allega- tions, however, does not substantiate Lu's point although it does suggest a consensus to restrict democracy. In spite of the continued outpouring of attacks against Patten's proposals and against his person by Beijing officials and pro- Beijing politicians and newspapers in Hong Kong, support for the governor remains high among Hong Kong people. Opinion polls conducted in Hong Kong after his visit to Beijing continue to show that a clear majority approve of his proposals and his perfor- mance, and insist that he carry on with them even at the risk of offending the Chinese gov- ernment. A telephone survey of inhabitants across the border even found that Patten enjoyed higher ratings there than their own provincial and municipal government leaders. Prior to delivering his policy address. Patten had flown to London to secure the blessing of Prime Minister John Major. The opposition parties in Britain have also given him their backing. By mid-November, the Canadian, Australian, and U.S. governments had publicly stated their support for greater democracy in Hong Kong. Canadian support was reiterated by Prime Minister Mulroney and External Affairs Minister Barbara McDougall when they met with Patten during his visit to Canada 11-14 November [see Governor Patten Visits Canada, p. 5). At a news conference follow- ing an official luncheon in Toronto hosted by Mrs. McDougall. she affirmed. "We back the proposals Governor Patten has outlined in his policy speech of Oct. 7 and wish him every success in his negotiation with China." On 16 November. U.S. State Department spokesman Mr. Boucher issued an official policy state- ment expressing support of Patten's proposals which "represent a constructive approach to the goal of the democratization in Hong Kong, a goal which the U.S. strongly sup- ports." This objective is "not inconsistent with the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration." The New York Times also editorialized [October 10 & 3 1 ] in favour of the general direction of the proposals. Meanwhile, Lu Ping on his part travelled to the U.S. from 5-11 November, at the invi- tation of the National Committee on U.S.- Reaction. cont'd page 4 UPDATE 3 Policy Speech, cont'd from page 3 him or her at the workplace. Secondly, by encompassing all occupations, we will ensure broad representation in the Legislative Council. "These arrangements would result in the franchise of the 30 functional constituencies being extended to all eligible voters in our working population of 2.7 million. Stronger Local Administration: "I come, fourthly, to the extremely important role of District Boards and Municipal Councils.... I intend. ..that the [District Board] responsibilities, functions and budgets should be expanded in 1993 so as to give them greater responsibility for the issues which affect the residents of their particular dis- tricts.... We will. ..give District Boards full authority in managing funds for minor envi- ronmental improvement projects, local public works projects and community building activities.... "As from 1994, 1 propose that all [DB] members should be directly elected, with the exception of ex-officio members in the New Territories. We should similarly increase the number of directly elected seats on the two Municipal Councils... .we should abolish the appointed seats.... Overall Objectives: "In shaping this package, I have tried to build on existing institutions and to give them a broader base of support.... What I have tried to do with these proposals is to meet two objectives which I understand represent the views of the community - to extend democracy while working within the Basic Law. All the pro- posals I have outlined would, I believe, be compatible with the provisions of the Basic Law. What these arrangements should give us, therefore, is a 'through train' of democra- cy running on the tracks laid down by the Basic Law.... "I repeat once again our goal - 'one coun- try, two systems.' What does that mean in practice? It means a prosperous China, made more prosperous still by the contribution of a vigorous, tolerant and open Hong Kong. We should look towards the fifty years beyond 1997. They will be even more successful than the fifty that went before. They will see our own system and our own way of life - which you made and of which all of us are part - sur- viving and flourishing because it works so well, because it embodies values we all hold dear. and because of the example of decency and success that it offers to the rest of humanity." In addition to these significant proposals mi constitutional development, the Governor also announced ambitious programs for improving services in social welfare, social security, education, health , public housing, environmental protection, and law and order. His specific plans included retraining programs for displaced workers in older industries; the improvement of school stan- dards with better trained teachers, smaller class sizes and whole-day schooling in new primary schools; improving welfare services such as an overhaul of the Social Security system and improvement of benefits, residen- tial care for the disabled, and special atten- tion to needs of the elderly. He announced increased spending plans for health and hospital services with the pri- ority on better patient care and shorter wait- ing periods for treatment, specialized health centres for the elderly, "well-woman" clinics for females over 45. and better hospital and out-patient care for the mentally ill. He promised a substantial increase in public housing and the rehousing of urban squat- ters on government land. His proposals for a cleaner environment included the closing of older urban landfills, better disposal of solid waste and toxic industrial waste, and a major program of capital works (HK$3 bil- lion) for the building of a new sewage treat- ment system. The Government also promised an increase of 800 police officers and the strengthening of cooperation with Chinese authorities to suppress cross-border crime. Finally, Governor Patten called for not only an increase in but a greater accountability of government in the provision of its services. Reaction, cont'd from page 3 China Relations, and made use of the oppor- tunity to argue against the introduction of democracy in Hong Kong after one and a half centuries of colonial rule without democracy. Back in Hong Kong, the Business and Professional Federation, a lobby made up of certain members of the business elite, issued a statement in favour of "convergence" with the Basic Law and against the new constitu- tional proposals. Many of the most important segments of the business community, howev- er, refused to take part in this action, and the statement was quickly denounced by other business leaders as representative of only cer- tain interests. At the same time, a semi-offi- cial representative of the Taiwan government in Hong Kong remarked that if Beijing could not tolerate the Patten proposals, it certainly would find it even harder to accept, under Beijing's formula of "one country, two sys- tems" for national unification, the more democratic system existing in Taiwan. Within the Hong Kong community, some forty social, occupational, religious, human rights, and service groups began to organize public support for the proposals, through political advertisements, press conferences, public meetings, and demonstrations outside the New China News Agency. Their oppo- nents labelled the proposals as a colonialist plot which would ruin the stability and pros- perity of Hong Kong. In the midst of the political cacophony, the Hang Seng Index of the Hong Kong Stock Market continued to rise after Patten's policy address in early October. By mid-November, it had gained nearly 1000 points to reach his- toric heights at 6447. It dropped more than 450 points in two days after Chinese Deputy Prime Minister Zhu Rongji made a statement in London ( 16 November) which the interna- tional press interpreted as a threat to abrogate the Joint Declaration. However, the Index sta- bilized in the 5800s when the Chinese Embassy in London issued clarifications that such a threat was never made. On 1 1 November, the Legislative Council voted 32 to 21 in favour of a motion to sup- port Patten's proposals in general principle. The vote took place after a heated marathon debate between most of the elected members on one side, and pro-Beijing and conservative business interests (appointees of previous governors) on the other side. So Patten enjoys both popular and representative backing in Hong Kong, as well as international moral support. He has appealed to Beijing and to the conservative Hong Kong business groups to make concrete counter-proposals, so that the Hong Kong public could decide in an open and rational process what kind of future gov- ernment it wants. No other proposals have yet appeared. However, there is no doubt that the drama will continue to unfold in the months to come. 4 UPDATE Governor Patten Visits Canada The Governor of Hong Kong, the Rt. Hon. Christopher Patten. \ isited Canada from 11- 14 November to mark the official closing ol Festival Hong Kong '92. His itinerary includ- ed a two-day visit to Vancouver and one daj each in Ottawa and Toronto. During his stay in Vancouver. 11-12 November. Mr. Patten met with the Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia, the Hon. David Lam. and Premier Michael Harcourt. On Remembrance Day (Nov. 1 1 ). Governor Patten laid a wreath at the cenotaph in Victory Square to pay tribute to Canadian soldiers who helped defend Hong Kong during World War II. Other Vancouver events included a gala dinner, tour of Chinatown, and a visit to the Dr. Sun Yat- sen Garden and the Chinese Cultural Centre. On the evening of 1 1 November at the Gala Benefit Dinner which closed the festival. Governor Patten spoke of the similarities and growing ties between Hong Kong and Canada. He concluded by referring to this special relationship of Hong Kong people to Canada and to the rest of the world: "Through the Festival, you have been able to experience the best that Hong Kong has to offer - the cream of Hong Kong*s talent in music, in the theatre, in film, in fashion, in food and in sport. In all these areas. Hong Kong today is notching up astonishing achievement - and exporting them to the world. "It is all these things - as much the attributes, like a free press, like freedom of speech, like freedom of worship, of a free society - that together add up to Hong Kong's 'way of life." A way of life spelt out in paragraph after paragraph of the Sino- British Joint Declaration.... "Implementing the Joint Declaration is. of course, a task for Britain and China. But it is good to know thai we do so with the goodv. ill of our friends in Canada. And that we do so with the friendship between our people in finer fettle today than it has ever been - a friendship made more intimate and less dis- tant by the advent of modern communica- tions. "... as I close this Festival it is not fanciful to speak of our having constructed something of a "Bridge across the Pacific" - a bridge between this great land and a rock in the South China Sea. a bridge of which our fore- bears who crossed the Pacific in their sailing ships would surely and rightly be proud." Mr. Patten met with Prime Minister Brian Mulroney in Ottawa on 13 November, after w hich the Governor presented the official gift from Hong Kong to the people of Canada: a traditional 1 2-metre dragon boat, specially made for this occasion. It has been donated to the National Museum of Civilization in Hull. The Hong Kong-Canada Business Association and Ottawa-Carleton Board of Trade hosted a luncheon, and Mr. Mulroney held a dinner for Mr. Patten the evening of the 13th. Governor Patten arrived in Toronto on 14 November and met with the Secretary of State for External Affairs. Mrs. Barbara McDougall. She stressed Canada's support in principle of Patten's proposals for more democratic reforms in Hong Kong [see, excerpts from his Policy Speech, p. 1-4]. At a luncheon hosted by Mrs. McDougall and later press conference. Governor Patten reiterated his call for a "period of quiet and calm reflec- tion" on the proposals. "I very much hope we can move beyond the recent rhetorical phase of the debate and have a rather calm discus- sion about the political options for Hong Kone's future." He also stressed thai il was important tor Hong Kong people to stand up for then own system and values: "It's that way of life which is described in the Joint Declaration, the values ol an open and tolerant society whose values helped to make it more prosper- ous ami more stable. The way of hie which is described in such detail in the Joint Declaration comprises our system - one of the two systems in that historic concept, 'one country, two systems." We have by definition to stand up for our system. We have to stand up for it after 1997 and. of course. ...before 1997 as well. ..if we won't stand up tor it now. what chance that people will stand up for it in the years ahead?" His visit concluded with an afternoon reception at the University of Toronto, hosted by President J. Robert Prichard and attended by academics, community leaders and Hong Kong students. Stressing the educational ties between Canadian and Hong Kong universi- ties. President Prichard was impressed b\ Patten's recent recommendation to increase research funding to tertiary institutions in Hong Kong by over 209c a year. Governor Patten concluded his remarks on the impor- tance of these educational connections with the statement that the test for the success or failure of his proposals for democratic reforms would be whether the life style and freedoms now existing in Hong Kong could be sufficiently guaranteed for the future. In particular, this success would be revealed by the choice of a large number of students presently studying in Canada to permanently return to Hone Kona. Canada Celebrates Festival Hong Kong 92 The month-long Festival Hong Kong 92 was celebrated with numerous events in five cities across Canada during September- October. Opening ceremonies took place on 25 Sept. in Montreal. 26 Sept. in Toronto. 1 Oct. in Calgary, 6 Oct. in Ottawa, and 10 Oct. in Vancouver. A colourful 500-foot dragon parade launched the festival in downtown by Janet Rubinoff Toronto Toronto, and the celebration concluded in Vancouver on 11-12 November with the visit of Hong Kong Governor Christopher Patten [see above]. Each of the five participating cities - Toronto, Ottawa/Hull, Montreal, Calgary and Vancouver - sponsored numerous exhibits, special performances, local cultural and social events, sports and food demonstrations, as well as business and educational seminars, to emphasize the close relationship betw een Hong Kong and Canada. More than 50 events were planned across Canada and over 400 performers took part. Initiated by the Government of Hong Kong, it was their Festival, cont'd page 6 UPDATE 5 Festival, cont'd from page 5 largest overseas promotion. It was held in reciprocation of Festival Canada in Hong Kong, which was sponsored by the Canadian Government in June 1991. As part of the promotion several groups were brought from Hong Kong to perform in different cities across Canada. These included the Hong Kong Ballet which performed in Calgary (Oct. 10-11) and Vancouver (Oct. 14- 15); the Hong Kong Dance Company, which appeared in Toronto (Oct. 1-2); the Chung Ying Theatre Company which toured Toronto (Oct. 9-10), Montreal (Oct. 13-14), and Vancouver (Oct. 17-18); the City Contemporary Dance Company coming to Ottawa (Oct. 14) and Montreal (Oct. 17-18); the Hong Kong Academy for the Performing Arts performing in Calgary (Oct. 13-14) and Ottawa (Oct. 19); the Hong Kong Chinese Orchestra playing in Toronto (Oct. 7-8) and Vancouver (Oct. 1 1 - 1 2); the Hong Kong Youth Chinese Music Instrumental Ensemble (Sept. 28-29) and the Hong Kong Festival Children's Chorus (numerous occasions, Sept. 26-Oct.2), which both performed in Toronto. Hong Kong Film Festivals, featuring a number of Cantonese films and a special tribute to director Sylvia Chang, were held in four places - Vancouver, Toronto, Montreal and Ottawa. A variety of special exhibits, demonstra- tions and store promotions were also held in each city. Food and cooking demonstra- tions were presented in four centres - Vancouver (Oct. 3-4 & 17-18), Toronto (Sept. 25-Oct 5 & Oct. 3-4), Ottawa (Oct. 8-19), and Montreal (Oct. 7-11). A number of local restaurants in each of these cities also partici- pated in a "dine around festival of flavours." Art exhibitions featuring Chinese theatre as well as crafts and contemporary works were held in Vancouver (Canadian Craft Museum. Vancouver Museum, the UBC Museum of Anthropology, and the Chinese Cultural Centre) and Toronto (ROM). The Chinese coins & currencies exhibit of Hang Seng Bank toured Toronto, Ottawa and Vancouver. Sports demonstrations, such as table tennis, badminton, and martial arts, were featured in all five locations. Photography exhibits focused on scenes from local Chinatowns and Chinese communities in Canada as well as Hong Kong. Business seminars and trade shows were a key component of festival events in each city. Several of these meetings, held on Oct. 2 in Calgary and Oct. 19 in Ottawa, were organized by local chapters of the Hong Kong-Canada Business Association and Canadian Chamber of Commerce. The Sept. 30 seminar in Montreal was also co-spon- sored by the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada (APF). In Toronto (Oct. 1 ) and Vancouver (Oct. 9 & 21) business conferences were organized by the Hong Kong Trade Development Council in conjunction with other local orga- nizations, such as the APF. The international business conference in Toronto featured six distinguished government and business speakers from Hong Kong, including the Rt. Hon. Baroness Lydia Dunn, senior member of Exco. A Cantonese Business Seminar was also held on Oct. 2 in Toronto. Barrie Wiggham, the HK Government "s Acting Chief Secretary, was the keynote speaker at the trade seminar in Vancouver. Hong Kong business seminars were also held in Victoria (Oct. 22) and Kelowna, B.C. (Oct. 23). A workshop on the "Hong Kong Airport Core Programme" was held in Vancouver Oct. 2 1 . Special education programmes or con- ferences on Hong Kong, sponsored by sev- eral local universities, were held in four cities. The University of Toronto and York University co-sponsored a week long "Societies in Transition Conference," Sept. 26-Oct.3. It included public lectures, several keynote addresses, and seven workshops (Biomedical Research, Medicine and Hong Kong on Sept. 26, Education Connections. Sept. 28-29. Societal Issues (Sept. 30-Oct. 1 ). Political Transitions (Oct. 1 ), Business Law (Oct. 1 ), Legal Issues (Oct. 2), and Hong Kong Visa Students in Canada (Oct. 3). Highlights of the conference also included an Exhibition on Developments in Higher Education in Hong Kong (Sept. 29-30); the signing ceremony of an exchange agreement between the University of Toronto, Chinese University of Hong Kong, and University of Hong Kong (Sept. 28) [see "Heads of Three Universities Sign Joint Agreement," p. 7]; and a wrap up panel discussion on Oct. 2 at which the Commissioner for Canada in Hong Kong, John Higginbotham. was a keynote speaker [see "Change in Canada and Hong Kong," p. 7|. There were also a number of events planned by the school boards in Toronto, North York and East York. A curriculum package and teaching kit on Hong Kong were prepared by the Toronto Board of Education for distribution to schools. Various work- shops were also held for teachers, counsel- lors, and all students. A two-day Hong Kong Conference on Social and Cultural Dynamics was held in Vancouver (Oct. 16-17), sponsored by the David Lam Centre for International Communication at Simon Fraser University, the Chinese Law Program of the Centre for Asian Legal Studies, UBC, and several Chinese community groups. The conference included sessions on economic, legal and set- tlement issues as well as on Women of Hong Kong. The last was organized by the Canada and Hong Kong Project. Speakers included several leading public figures from Hong Kong - the Hon. Edward K.Y Chen, Hon. Moses Cheng, Mrs. Rita Fan. and Hon. Emily Lau. | For further information on the Toronto and Vancouver conferences, see Update, no. 7. "Education Programs," p. 4.] Other education programs in Vancouver included an exhibition and seminar on Hong Kong Higher Education, held at UBC (Oct. 14-15) and a seminar, "Forging Long-Term FESTIVAL HONG KONG Bridge Across the Pacific M && i¥ ^tt 9£ ,& t)D IH ■ Pont Sur Le Pacifique 6 UPDATE Til's.'' .11 Simon Fraser(Oct. 14). A teachers' workshop on "Teaching about Hong Kong'' and a "H.K. Teaching Module for BC Teachers" were held on Oct. 17-18 at SFU Harbour Centre downtown. The University of Calgary held a two-day mini-festival entitled "Opportunities." on 13- 14 October. In addition to arts, sports and cul- tural displays, there were several seminars, such as on tourism and Hong Kong airport developments. An Education Programme and luncheon was presented on Sept. 26 in Montreal at the Ministry of Education- Over 30 professors and teachers participated in ses- sions u hich focused on the unique character of the history, geography, and the social and business culture of Hong Kong, as well as on the immigration of Hong Kong people to Quebec. In addition to the above, each festival city offered a variety of special local events for the entire community. Gala benefit dinners were held in all five locations. Calgary 's fes- tival program included dragon boat races (Oct. 3), a Chinatown Carnival (Oct. 10-12). and a production of Af. Butterfly (Sept. 13-Oct. 11). with a guest actor from Hong Kong. In a spe- cial ceremony Nov. 1 3 at the Museum of Civilization in Ottawa/Hull, Governor Patten presented the official gift to Canada of a drag- on boat from Hong Kong, which will be on exhibit at the Museum. Montreal featured a painting exhibit (Sept. 10-Oct. 25) of the works of Ming Ma. a Monkey King Mascot promotion during the month of October, a seminar on film and TV. co-production (Oct. 5: also presented in Toronto and Vancouver), fashion show (Oct. 5), and a conference on Hong Kong Architecture (Oct. 15). Special community events in Toronto and Heads of Three Universities Sign Joint Agreement On September 28. Wang Gungwu, Vice- Chancellor of the University of Hong Kong. J. Robert Prichard. President of the University of Toronto, and Charles K. Kao. Vice- Chancellor of The Chinese University of Hong Kong, signed a partnership agreement between the three universities. The result of prior years of cooperative exchanges, this for- mal agreement includes collaboration in research, faculty exchanges, and graduate studies. The signing ceremony and reception took place at Massey College. U. of T.. in conjunc- tion with the University Education Programme of the recent Festival Hong Kong 92. The university heads felt that Festival Hong Kong was an opportune event to for- malize and strengthen the existing academic I ice-Chancellor Wang Gungwu (HKU), President J. Robert Prichard (U ofT), and Vice-Chancellor Charles Kao (CU) sign joint agreement; photo by Linda Hutjens. relationships between their institutions. This agreement will serve as the basis of a commit- ment to foster fruitful and lasting bonds between scholars, students, and the wider communities in both Hong Kong and Toronto. Both the president and vice-president, research and international relations, of the University of Toronto will be travelling to Hong Kong in early December. The main pur- pose of their visit is to further academic rela- tionships with the University of Hong Kong and Chinese University as outlined in the joint agreement, to meet with U. of T. alumni, and to promote development activities. Scheduled to visit Hong Kong from 1-5 December. President Rob Prichard plans to speak at the Faculty of Law (HKU), the Canadian Chamber of Commerce, and a recruitment function for high school principals. Vice- Chancellor Wang Gungwu. President Prichard. and Vice-Chancellor Charles Kao will be featured speakers at a reception of the University of Toronto Alumni Association. Vice-President James Keffer will be in Hong Kong from December 5-10 to continue talks with the two Hong Kong universities on the implementation of the joint agreement. He will also present a paper on Technology Development and the Role of Higher Educational Institutions at a conference on the Integration of Knowledge and Technology Transfer, sponsored by the Hsu Chung Ching Education Foundation of Hong Kong. nearby suburbs included the Chinese Celebration Day at Harbourfront (Sept. 27). a Hong Kong Carnival at Metro Convention Centre (Oct. 3-4). downtown Chinatown Celebration (Oct. 3). Scarborough Lantern Festival (Sept. 29), Fun Day Festival in North York i Sept. 27). the Markham Hong Kong Festival Fireworks Celebration (Oct. 4), exhi- bitions in Brampton and Mississauga (Sept. 26). Harvest Festival at the Mississauga Chinese Centre (Sept. 27). and Festival Hong Kong in Etobicoke (Oct. 4). Vancouver celebrated "Hong Kong Weekend" at Granville Island i Oct. 3-4 1, a series of "Friendship Dinners'' at various schools. "Pan Pacificus: a Celebration" of the Vancouver Sinfionetta. and on Nov. 1 1 the concluding Gala Benefit Dinner with Governor Christopher Patten as special guest and speaker. Change in Canada and Hong Kong fry John Higginbotham Commissioner for Canada in Hong Kong In his keynote speech October 2 at the conclusion of the Societies in Transition Conference. Commissioner John Higginbotham provided a personal view of the historical causes, startling differences, and surprising parallels that have led to the special closeness that is growing between Canada and Hong Kong. In particular, he drew strong parallels between Canada and Hong Kong. He spoke about the similarities between the two soci- eties in historical evolution and in aspirations for the future. Canada and Hong Kong share a British tradition, and they also have similar traditions of bilingualism. multi-culturalism. and cosmopolitanism. They both value an open press, the common law. an efficient public service, and a balance between public and private sectors. Both societies were shaped by migrants fleeing from revolution; their preferred solution to problems is prag- matic compromise. Neither is given to strong ideological positions. Both live next to pow- erful neighbours whose twitches and grunts can be disturbing. Both are conservative, cooperative, moderate, and tolerant. Hong Kong is a comfortable place for Canadians as Canada is for people from Hong Kong. Higginbotham. cont'd paae 8 UPDATE 7 Higginbotham. cont'd from page 7 The two societies are now confronting common global, economic and social chal- lenges and distinctive political tests, e.g., 1997 and Canadian constitutional evolution. Both rely heavily on international trade and have to make their way in a competitive world. They must do this while maintaining the aims they share: a free society, a good place to raise children, a decent and honest society, with a responsible government. Both communities have great strengths in terms of values and institutions in handling change. Canada and Hong Kong are twenty- first century laboratories for the world in terms of balancing and reconciling rights and identities in a pragmatic way. The human links being forged between the two places are robust, complex, mutually reinforcing and will transcend short-term political change. ^g£e3L Jw ' Members of the panel which closed the Societies in Transition Conference: from left to right Dora Choi (Chinese Univ.), Ming K. Chan (Hong Kong Univ.), Byron Weng (Chinese Univ.), Commissioner John Higginbotham, Janet Salaff(U. of'T.). Cheuk- van Lee (HK Confed. of Trade Unions), and Sidney S. Poon (Q.C., Toronto). Photo by Iris Chung, Sing Tao. Legco Delegation Visits Canada During Festival Hong Kong From 25 September to 3 October, six members of Hong Kong's Legislative Council (Legco) visited Canada at the invitation of the Canadian Branch of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, chaired by Senator William Doody. The purpose of the visit was to introduce Legco members to Canadian par- liamentary procedures. The invitation was also a response to the visit of Canadian parlia- mentarians for Festival Canada in Hong Kong in June 1991. Members of the Legco delegation included Fred Li Wah Ming, Hui Yin-fat, Lau Chin- shek, Allen Lee Peng-fei, Albert Chan Wai- yip, and Vincent Cheng Hoi-chuen. Mrs. Shelley Lau, JP, Secretary General of Omelco, also accompanied the Legco members. The group spent two days in Ottawa (Sept. 28-29). meeting with a number of parliamentarians as well as government representatives. Their agenda included talks with the Hon. John Fraser. Speaker of the House; the Hon. John Bosley, Chair of the Commons Standing Committee on External Affairs and Inter- national Trade; the Hon. Guy Charbonneau, Speaker of the Senate; and John Tennant. Director, North Asia Relations. External Affairs and International Trade Canada. The schedule also included a meeting with the Canada-Hong Kong Parliamentary Friendship Group, a roundtable discussion on Canada-Hong Kong relations with members of External Affairs, a briefing with Elections Canada, and dinner with Canadian parlia- mentarians. The Canada-Hong Kong Business Association hosted a luncheon for the delegation, at which Allen Lee delivered an address on political and economic devel- opment in Hong Kong. In Toronto the Legco delegation toured Queen's Park and met with several members of the Ontario Legislature, including the speaker, Hon. David Warner. In addition, the six Legco members participated in a number of events for Festival Hong Kong both in Ottawa and Toronto, including attendance at the opening ceremony in Toronto on 26 Sept.. the gala dinner, business seminars, meetings with students at U. of T, the Hong Kong Carnival, and a reception with Premier Bob Rae at the Royal Ontario Museum. The Legco delegation was part of the new Canada-Hong Kong Parliamentary Friendship Group, formed last July to pro- mote linkages between Canadian and Hong Kong legislators. The Parliamentary Friendship Group is chaired in Canada by the Hon. William Blaikie, MP; its vice-chair is the Hon. Girve Fretz, MP. Allen Lee serves as convenor of the Group in Hong Kong. Membership in the CHKPFG includes 39 Legco members as well as a number of Canadian MP's. This is the second "interna- tional" parliamentary group formed by Hong Kong's Legislative Council. The first group was established with members of the Japanese Parliament, and a third group is planned with Australian parliamentarians. Changing Patterns of Immigration from Hong Kong by Diana Lary UBC, Vancouver Some major shifts which will influence future patterns of immigration from Hong Kong are emerging. There seems to have been a considerable fall in the number of applications being made by Hong Kong peo- ple to move to Canada. In 1991 14,500 appli- cations were made world wide by people whose last permanent residence was Hong Kong; the number of people covered by the applications was 46,214. In the first half of 1992, only 3,567 applications were made, for 9,794 people. Immigrant Applications, CLPR Hong Kong, by place made Year Hong Kong Elsewhere Total 1989 15930 91% 1570 9% 17500 1990 12912 867, 2156 14% 15068 1991* 12251 84'/, 2249 16% 14500 1992 2449 69% 1118 $19i 3567 *These figures are higher than those cited in our last Update since the earlier figures were incom- plete at that time. The major decline in applications seems to have been in Hong Kong itself. Of the 3.567 applications made in the first half of 1992, 1,118 were made in places other than Hong Kong, or 31% of all applications, as opposed to 2,249 of 14,500, or 16% in 1991. Of the 1992 applications, 1,704 were made in the USA, 63% of those not made in Hong Kong. In 1991 the figures for applications made in the USA were 1 .549 of 2,2249, or 69%. Though the number of applications has declined dramatically, this decline will affect future immigration. It has not yet had any influence on current immigration. In fact, the number of visas being issued has not declined nor has the number of landings in Canada. In 1991 and the first half of 1992, the numbers of visas issued continued at very high levels. The first half figures for 1992 seem to show that the trend over 1991 is upward. 8 UPDATE Visas Issued to Hung Kong Residents (CLPRHK) 1989 1990 1991 *1992 22130 22566 29620 1X502 Life Style Changes of Immigrant Women from Hong Kong The final figures tor [991 arc higher than the fig- ure (26.647) published in the last Update. The l l >"2 figures are for the first half of the year only A large number of visas are being issued to Hong Kong residents at posts other than Hong Kong. In fact. 12.3% of 1991 visas and 13.8% of 1992 visas were issued in places other than Hong Kong. Most of these were issued in the USA. In 1991. 2.971 of the 3,643 visas not issued in Hong Kong were dispensed in the USA (82% >. In the first half of 1 992. the comparable figures were 1 .877 of 3.107 (60', ). Many of these visas were probably sought by people already in Canada as visitors, who went south of the border for convenience, but others may have been made by people who wanted to avoid the lengthy processing time in Hong Kong. Some statis- tics, for places other than the USA. are hard- er to understand. For example, who were the two families from Hong Kong whose immi- grant visas for Canada were issued in Bogota in 1992° Landings in Canada in 1991 and 1992 continue to be high. The 1992 figure is for the first six months of the year only. If land- ings continue at the same level for the rest of the year, then the rate of landings is increas- ing rather than declining. These figures rep- resent people who applied for immigrant visas in 1989 or 1990 and received their visas in 1990 or 1991. Successful applicants have up to one year after their application is approved to land in Canada. Landings in Canada (CLPR HKl 1989 1990 1991 "1992 19962 29266 22339 19411 *This figure is for the first six months of 1992. All statistics are from the Immigration Statistics Division. Employment and Immigration Canada. d) Tang Hong Kong In March 1991. as part of my sociological studies at the University of Toronto. I con- ducted research on immigrant women from Hong Kong. My study involved extensive interviews with ten immigrant women about changes in their life styles after migrating to Canada. In general, the data confirmed that these women from Hong Kong experienced life style changes which involved increased work (either at home or outside), less leisure time for entertainment, and fewer luxuries. Reasons given for these changes were the burden of additional housework due to the expense of domestic help in Toronto or lack of support from an extended family, fewer relatives and friends in Canada with whom to socialize, and little extra money for entertain- ment. Five respondents felt they spent far greater time than in Hong Kong at domestic chores, which included tending their family and housework. Four of these women had hired migrant domestic helpers from the Philippines when they lived and worked in Hong Kong. As one complained, "I am now mother, working woman, and domestic helper, all rolled into one." One interviewee had experienced little change in the amount of domestic labour because her mother, who had cared for her child in Hong Kong, had also migrated to Canada. However, four other women confirmed that they spent more time in their outside occupations, either because of increased financial needs or as a result of a change in the nature of their jobs. Two of these women were working long hours in restaurants, another laboured as a housemaid in order to supplement family income, and a fourth had a better and more lucrative job than the one she had in Hong Kong but it necessitated work- ing overtime. Loss of domestic support seemed to be a particularly crucial variable affecting life style changes of the respondents. Lack of adequate or affordable domestic help was cited as a reason why many of these women had lowered their career expectations or re- focused their priorities in life. The most obvi- ous case was that of a woman with a master's degree. Although she had a position "compa- rable" to the one she held in Hong Kong, she felt "semi-retired" and had decided that she could not be "as ambitious in her work" as she was in Hong Kong, Ever) morning on her way to work, she had to drive her daugh- ter to daycare and pick her up again after work. Unlike her situation in Hong Kong where her Filipina domestic helper fetched the children from school, she now felt "leav- ing the office on time" had become her major concern. Another interviewee, who was more afflu- ent, had decided to become a full-time home- maker and not "relegate" her children to day - care. She reasoned that since the famil) 's immigration was for the future of the chil- dren, she should do her utmost to enhance her children's chances for success in Canada. She believed that the academic achievement of her children would "more than compensate" her personal "loss." Thus, she kept herself busy tending the house and doing volunteer work in her children's school - what she con- ceived as the lifestyle of a "typical North American, suburban housewife." Of the ten interviewees, there was only one whose job status had risen in Canada, and she had no children. Though she does not have a university education, she is verj self- confident, and as she expressed it. "A good driver is a good driver no matter where she drives, right?" However, she readily admitted that her opportunity for a career would be diminished if she decided to have a child. Many of these women preferred to live in Chinese communities like parts of Scarborough, not because they wanted to cre- ate "a little Hong Kong." but in order to com- pensate for the support network they have lost - their extended family, friends, and a familiar and unintimidating cultural habitat. As one woman lamented, in her first year here she had to "releam everything." and she was grateful there is a Chinatown and for the many Chinese friends she came to know in her neighbourhood. Some of the subjects chose to live in out- lying communities of Toronto simply because they have family there. Especially for immi- grant women who do not speak English, as Women, cont'd page 10 UPDATE 9 Visa Students' Experiences in Canada The following excerpts are from two stu- dent essays written for the curriculum pack- age on Hong Kong and compiled for the Toronto Board of Education this September 1992. Both essays are from visa students attending public secondary schools in Toronto. We are grateful to Arlene Tan:. Coordinator of the Social Studies Department. Curriculum and Program Division, for allowing us to reprint these essays. "A Visa Student's Life in Toronto" by Shnki Mo I have lived in Canada without my family for half of a year, and I have begun a new life because I am here alone.... I am 18 years old. I am the youngest child in my family. Since I have already graduated from secondary school in Hong Kong. 26 equivalent Ontario Secondary credits have been given to me. Therefore. I only need to complete 6 more OACs [Ontario Academic Credits] including English to be admitted to university. In order to go to University, I came to Canada to be a visa student but why would Women, cont'd from page 9 was the case with two interviewees, the pres- ence of the surrounding Chinese community "makes life bearable." Of vital concern to these women is the quickness or extent to which their ESL English classes will assist them in getting out of "demeaning jobs" or their present "immobility." For those in this sample who are young and well-educated, moving to Canada still meant revising their expectations and re- focusing their priorities. Inevitable changes in lifestyles have occurred. Many now spend more time on housework and childcare at the expense of compromising their career goals. At the same time, because of their own expe- rience of dislocation and insecurity, these women tend to make extra efforts to ensure the future success of their children. Thus, they take them to a number of Saturday enrichment classes, including Chinese lan- guage, computers, and "Kumon." or Japanese style drilling in mathematics. I choose to study in another country? I can learn English better and I can become inde- pendent During my first class, I found that I need- ed to face a great problem - language. Although I have been learning English since kindergarten in my country. I was not able to talk to people. I could not really understand what people said or express what I wanted to say. This was especially difficult in my English class; my limited knowledge about Canadian society almost excluded me from the discussions. Eventually I lost interest studying in the class. Finally. I ended up fail- ing the course! This is the first time I have to leave my family and live in another country alone. I am learning how to take care of myself. I have to plan my daily life because 1 must do both homework and housework after school. Nobody would help me! Sometimes, I would forget to have dinner because of studying. Anyway. I feel I have done quite well in learning to live an independent life. In the last year, I have improved my English. I can communicate to people much better now. I am trying to speak English more. So I have less difficulties in the lan- guage. I passed the upgrading course ESL4A7 at summer school. It really gave me confidence for learning English. I will study at high school for one more year even though I got six OAC credits already. I cannot go to university yet. It is because my poor English would be the biggest handicap in my higher education.... After I finish university. I will go back to Hong Kong because it is quite difficult to find a job in Canada. "One Year in Canada as a Visa Student" by Frederick Lee I am 19 years old. I come from Hong Kong. So far I have lived in Canada for about one year. I have learned and grown a lot over the last year. When I was 1 8, my parents asked me if I wanted to go to Canada to study. I felt very happy. On the other hand. I was worried because the Canadian school fees are very high for one year. I know it is not easy for my parents to earn the money. They have decided for me to acquire a good education and to have a good career in the future.... When I finish my education I will go back to Hong Kong. I don't want to stay in Canada. I love Hong Kong more than Canada. I don't mind about China taking over Hong Kong on 30 June 1997. 1 think that the British is only interested in material gains. On 4 June 1989, nobody believed that the Chinese Government would shoot the univer- sity students. I know that the Chinese Government was wrong, but we could not stop it. I think that after 1997 Hong Kong's economy would be the same. At that time I will go back to find a job and stay there. Hong Kong is a good place. People there work so hard and they never seem to stop! I believe that China's governing of Hong Kong will be similar to Britain's for a long time to come. It may be better than before. Hong Kong citizens are afraid that China will make them conform to the way that China has been ruled, and the economy would decline. However, I would like to protect our country by participating in the work force. Many differences exist between Canada and Hong Kong. There are four distinct sea- sons in Canada. In Hong Kong, we do not have such sharp seasonal changes - the colourful fall and the white snow.... Toronto is a city full of immigrants, and they speak their own languages and live their own cul- tures. Last week I joined the Toronto Board of Education Orientation Program for International Students, even though I have been going to school here for a year. It was wonderful. I had the opportunity to meet and make friends with other foreign students like myself. I am renting a room in a rooming house near Christie subway station. I have to man- age my own budget, cook, clean, study, and decide on everything that affects my develop- ment and progress in life. My parents cannot help me or look after me because they are too far away. I miss my family terribly. It's a lonely life for me. but I'm also learning inde- pendent living skills. 10 UPDATE Canadian Stories Crime Wave in Hong Kong The Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada sponsored a 9-da> Ontario lour in November of the musical play, Canadian Stories, the first national tour of the Vancouver Youth Theatre. The play explores the thoughts, feel- ings and impressions of young immigrants to Canada. What makes this original work so compelling is that the tales it dramatizes are all true, coming from the stories of young, English-as-a-Second-Language students who have recently moved to Canada. The per- formers in the play range in age from 13-20. several of whom are recent immigrants them- selves. As well as their production at the Harbourfront Centre Premiere Dance Theatre in Toronto, the group also performed at a number of elementary and high schools in the Metro area. As Graeme McDonald. President of the APR writes. "Canadian Stories allows us to hear and see the anguish, the humour and frustrations of newcomers trying to make Canada their home. It puts a human face on the issues of confronting racism and culture and racial diversity w ithin Canada - issues vital to the social and economic fabric of Canada. "We believe that the message and spirit behind each of these stories represent the tremendous human resource that Canada gains when people from the Asia Pacific region and other parts of the world decide to make Canada their new home." Specializing in creative "playbuilding," the Vancouver Youth Theatre has been invit- ed to Japan. Australia and Europe. This trip marks the first time the VYT has performed in other parts of Canada outside British Columbia. During the summer of 1991. the group also toured Canadian Stories through the United Kingdom. Having won awards in Japan and most recently the Canadian Secretary of State Award for Excellence in the Field of Race Relations, the VYT present a memorable work in Canadian Stories, which portrays the resilience, endurance and hope of young people. Carole Tarlington is the Artistic Director of the play, and John Sereda is its Musical Director. For more information, please contact: Vancouver Youth Theatre Suite 200 - 275 E. 8th Ave. Vancouver, BC VST 1R9 tel: (604) 877-0678 In Kwok-cheung Slutm Hong Kong Many Hong Kong people are worried by the deteriorating law and order situation since violent crime, armed robberies, and smug- gling are still widespread. According to offi- cial figures in April of this year, the violent crime rate remained high at 4.4 1 8, an increase of 4.2% over the same period last year. Although the total crime rate has dropped slightly from that reported in 1991. this year witnessed a spate of violent armed robberies - 18 in the first quarter of 1992 and double that for the same period last year. (See figure 1.) Figure 1: Quarterly Crime Statistics (Selective) 1 st Quarter 4th Quarter 1 st Quarter 1992 1991 1991 Total crime 20.049 22.348 20,340 Total violent crime 4.418 4.S42 4.240 Robbery with firearms 18 17 9 Robbery w ah pistol-like object 144 133 129 Source: South China Morning Pest. 25 April 1992. The new crime wave began in March 1991 when police faced increased smuggling between Hong Kong and China. Smugglers, who possessed powerful speed boat engines (called tai-fei). illegally shipped luxury cars and other high-priced consumer goods to Mainland China. Last year the number of smugglers' boats in Hong Kong waters peaked at 1 .447 in one month [SCMP, 2 1 March 1992). Most serious is the illegal importation of Chinese lethal weapons into Hong Kong. In June 1991, robbers armed with Chinese-made AK-47 automatic rifles fired about forty shots at police. Hours later masked gunmen simultaneously raided five jewelery stores, exchanging more than thirty shots with police. Five people were injured. In April 1992, robbers used AK-47 rifles and grenades to fight back police in Tai Kok Tsui. Seventeen people were injured, including four police officers [Ming Pao. 25 April 1992]. A number of surveys reflect the concern of Hong Kong people w ith this wave of vio- lence. One study conducted by the Social Sciences Research Centre of the University of Hong Kong last April found that over half the respondents considered that the law and order situation in Hong Kong had deteriorat- ed [SCMP, 8 May 1992]. Government opin- ion polls also confirmed this result. Since 1983 the City and New Territories Administration (CNTA) has held a series of telephone surveys to monitor public opinion on perceived problems and the Government's overall performance. Its recent reports show- that concern with "crime-related problems" has risen from fifth (6% ) to top place (429i I, between November 1991 and May 1992. (See figure 2.) Crime Wave, cont'd page 12 Dragons of Crime Asian Gangs in Canada An October 3 reception in Toronto marked the launching of a new book on Asian crime gangs in Canada. Dragons of Crime: Inside the Asian Underworld, by James Dubro, published by Octopus Publishing Group of Markham, Ontario. Researched over ten years by the author, the book explores the historical develop- ment of Chinese gangs in Canada as well as the recent rise in criminal activity of Asian tongs, triads and gangs in Canadian cities. It traces the activities and interna- tional connections of these gangs and con- siders the impact of Hong Kong's return to China in 1997 on criminal activity in North America. The book is available in hardback (CDNS28.95) from the Sleuth of Baker Street book store (1595 Bay-view Ave.. Toronto). James Dubro is a researcher on orga- nized crime in Canada and has written several books and articles on the Canadian Mafia. His investigation of criminal gangs began in the 1970s when he helped pro- duce and research the CBC"s "Connections" television series on orga- nized crime. UPDATE 11 Crime Wave, cont'd from page i Figure 2: Problems Perceived of Most Concern to Hong Kong People Nov. Jan. March May 1991 1992 1992 1992 Crime-related problems 6% 8% 16% 42% Hong Kong future 18% 23% 15% 13% Economv-related problems 23% 28% 15% 13% Housing-related problems 24% 13% 16% 11% Labour-related problems 6% 10% 9% 4% (No. of respondents) (935) (1064) (1048) (1079) Source: Report of an Opinion Poll, from Nov. 1991 to May 1992, CNTA When asked whether Hong Kong was becoming more dangerous than other big cities, the Deputy Commissioner of Police, John Sheppard, insisted that Hong Kong was still a very safe place to live, but he also rec- ognized that some "vicious thugs" have been imported from China to Hong Kong [SCMP, 10 May 1992]. The China factor makes it more difficult for Hong Kong police to cope with the crime wave. Firstly, many criminals associated with local gangs are illegal immi- grants from China. Secondly, firearms used by robbers on the streets of Hong Kong are being smuggled from the Mainland since weapons are now easily available in China or via China from Vietnam. Thirdly, after hav- ing committed crimes in Hong Kong. Chinese criminals can flee back across the border. Recently. Sino-Hongkong cooperation has been initiated to curb cross-border crime. In March Hong Kong police set up a direct 24- hour, anti-smuggling hotline with their Chinese counterparts. After his visit to Beijing in May, the Policy Commissioner. Li Kwan-ha, announced China would establish a "liaison office" in Hong Kong to aid local police to combat crime [SCMP, 10 May 1992]. However, the reaction of Hong Kong people to a Chinese "liaison office" is ambivalent. A survey sponsored by Ming Pan \ 18 May 1992] showed that half the respondents were in favour of the establish- ment of such an office, while the other half were opposed. On the one hand. Hong Kong people understand that without Chinese cooperation it would be difficult for the local police force alone to check the crime wave. On the other hand, they fear PRC involve- ment in Hong Kong's law and order system as it may lead to China's intervention in local administration. 12 UPDATE Hong Kong in the Mainland Press by Jane Greaves Shenzhen The newspaper pickings in Beijing were slim this past summer; however, that this might be the result of lack of newsworthy events is not the case. Filling the Hong Kong papers are articles on recalculations of the airport budget, bilateral negotiations on air- port financing, a change in the airport design, a new governor, and debates over appoint- ments to the Legislative Council (Legco), the 1995 elections, and land used by defense forces. Why there was so little coverage of these Hong Kong events in People's Da do not contravene this Law" [South ( luihi Morning Post (SCMP). 1 December 1992). Moreover, the influential Hong Kong Bar Association issued a comment refuting the PRC statement on the validity of contracts and agreements spanning 1997. including CT9 (Container Terminal). The Association argued that since the land required for CT9 construction was already approved and grant- ed by the Sino-British Land Commission, China's threats amounted to an abuse of the concept of sovereignty and a contradiction of the letter and spirit of the Joint Declaration [SCMP. 23 December 1992]. Nevertheless, Beijing's continued attacks against Patten's proposals have sapped Hong Kong's economy and confidence. For exam- ple, on 4 December, in response to the con- fused political situation, the Hang Seng index dropped to 4.978, down 433 points. This was the most serious fall in its three-week collapse from 12 November 1992 when the index reached a high of 6.447. During that period, the panic "crash" of the stock market wiped more than HKS300 billion off share prices. Opinion surveys in late December also showed that the confidence of Hong Kong people had deteriorated largely because of Sino-British political tensions. An annual outlook survey for Hong Kong Standard indi- cated that confidence in the future of Hong Kong reached its lowest since 1989. Only 15% of 545 respondents expected to be better off in 1993, significantly lower than the 20% at the end of 1989, six months after the June 4 Tiananmen crackdown. These results com- pared with 28% in 1991, 22% in 1990, and 31% in 1988. Another poll was conducted by Survey Research Hong Kong for the South China Morning Post and Ming Pao. This tri-month- ly survey, conducted since 1984, indicated the economic and political confidence index had plummeted to its lowest point in a year. The number of people expressing confidence in the territory's future declined to 67% from 76% in the previous survey, three months earlier. There was a split of opinion over people's preferences for more democracy at the expense of the territory's stability and prosperity. As public opinion on Patten's constitu- tional proposals fluctuated, there was also some controversy about the results of various polls. In general, due to Beijing's vociferous opposition, public support of Patten declined during November and December, from a high point after his policy speech on October 7. From January to February, the decline stabi- lized and public support for Patten's propos- als began to increase. [See Table 1 and 3.] Table 1: Should political reforms go ahead even if there is no through train? Date Oct. 8 Nov.2 Dec.23 Yes No Unsure 56% 34% 34% 19% 48% 49% 25% 18% 17% Source: HK Polling and Business Research for SCMP Table 2: Satisfaction with Governor's Policy Speech Date 7-8 10-11 15-16 19-20 1-2 Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Satisfied 33.5% 39.8% 30.5% 29.9% 31.1% Neutral 6.2% 6.0% 9.6% 9.6% 10.0% Dissatisfied 3.9% 8.8% 20.8% 15.1% 13.1% Don't Know 56.4% 45.5% 39.1% 45.5% 45.9% Source: Social Research Centre. Univ. of Hong Kong Table 3. Popularity of Patten Rating Date 7-8 Oct. 10-11 Nov. 15-16 Dec. 19-20 Jan. 1-2 Feb. Rating 65.5% 64.1% 53.3% 56.9% 58.4% Source: Social Research Centre. Univ. of Hong Kong However, despite pressure from China and fluctuating public opinion. Patten retained the support of the Legislative Council (Legco). On November 1 1 Legco voted 32 to 21 in favour of a motion to sup- port Patten's political package. The Finance Committee of Legco voted 27-25 on November 27 to permit the Government's $9 billion airport site preparation contract to go forward, despite China's threat not to honour the contract before an agreement on the over- all financing of the airport plan was secured. On 13 January 1993, Legco voted 35 to 2, with 1 5 abstentions, against the motion by pro-China legislator. Philip Wong Yu-hong. urging the Government not to introduce Patten's constitutional package. Some political observers in Hong Kong attribute China's obstinate attitude towards Patten's relatively mild reforms to Beijing's "conspiracy theory." PRC leaders regard Patten's democratization proposals as a care- fully planned strategy devised by Western capitalist societies - the so-called "anti-China chorus" - to exert pressure on China, using Hong Kong as a potential bridgehead. In this vein. Lu Ping argued that there had been length) consultations with Britain before an agreement was reached and the Basic Law approved by China's National People's Congress. The sudden change in British policy was nothing more than "setting a trap" for China. Thus. Mr. Lu stressed, "The crux of the matter was not whether one wanted democracy or not but whether one needed to keep one's word" [SCMP. 23 December 1992, p. 1]. Chinese leaders reiter- ated that the only solution to this dispute is for Hong Kong and British authorities to return to the track of agreements already reached by China and the U.K. Although China's position is understand- able, Beijing has neglected the fact that Hong Kong people are eager to gain more democra- cy and feel that the Basic law is too conserva- tive. There is the possibility that China's hard stance may defeat Patten's proposals. Even though Hong Kong people may eventually accept this reality, in the long run the rela- tionship between China and Hong Kong will deteriorate. In fact, allowing some democrat- ic reforms in the territory would enhance the confidence of Hong Kong's residents and improve the relationship between China and the territory. The political tension surrounding Patten's political reform package became even more complicated and sensitive in February and March. February, in particular, was a critical period for the Sino-British dispute since Governor Patten had made a pledge to draft legislation and publish his proposals for pub- lic consideration by the end of the month. However, while the Executive Council (Exco) had approved Patten's reform propos- als on February 9, there was grow ing specu- lation that talks would resume between China and Britain. Amid grow ing calls to delay the legisla- ture's debate over the political reform bill, Exco decided to postpone its publication. This move was seen as a concession to China in hopes that Sino-British talks might soon resume and help break the impasse. On March 1 1 . Britain and China came to a final showdown since Patten indicated it was impossible to delay further the gazetting of the bill for his political package. It had already been deferred four times from his Political Row. cont'd page 6 UPDATE 5 Political Row, cont'd from page 5 pledged date of publication in order to facili- tate the resumption of discussions. However, since neither side could reach a compromise, hopes of immediate talks were shattered. On the following day, March 12, Patten decided to gazette his constitutional reform bill with- out China's blessing. Beijing's response was immediate and furious. At the opening of the National People's Congress, Chinese Premier Li Peng severely attacked Patten's decision to publish the bill. This was the first time a Chinese pre- mier had publicly criticized the British Government in his work report. At a press conference, Lu Ping declared that Patten would be condemned in Hong Kong's history as "a man of guilt," and he announced Beijing would have to make its own arrange- ment for the post- 1997 government and legis- lature, the so-called "second stove." The British Government reiterated its support of Governor Patten and complained that China's stance was "too tough." Public opinion in Hong Kong was further divided in March over the failure of the resumplion of Sino-British talks. Recent sur- veys demonstrate the increasing prevalence of mixed feelings and even cynicism among Hong Kong people. According to a poll com- missioned by the South China Morning Post, 35.3% of respondents supported Patten's decision to publish his electoral reform bill, while 32.8% opposed and 3 1 .8% were unde- cided [SCMP, 20 March 1993]. When asked which side should make the first concession. 27.4% opted for Governor Patten. 2 1 .9% for China, and 29.9% for both sides. However, it was clear that Hong Kong people did not want secret talks - with 68.15% against and only 1 5.7% in favour. By the end of March the gap between opinions pro and con Patten's reforms was significantly closer. A survey, conducted by the Social Sciences Research Centre of Hong Kong University, indicated that only 26.8% of respondents supported Patten's proposals while 18.6% were opposed. His margin of support had been reduced to 8.2%, the nar- rowest ever reported since December of last year (see Table 4). Both China and Britain accused each other of insincerity. Neither side appeared able to offer concessions that would allow talks to proceed. This situation reflected fun- damental cleavages between China and Britain which made any concessions difficult. For Beijing, a prerequisite for resuming talks was Patten's suspension of publication of the bill and the withdrawal of his political reforms. Table 4: Support for Reform Package (%) Date 8-10 Dec. 28-30 Dec. 11-12 Jan. 27-28 Jan. 8-10 Feb. 8 Mar. 24-25 Mar. Support 35.9 36.0 29.4 38.5 33.2 37.8 26.8 Oppose 2d') 20.0 17.9 14.4 15.6 14.9 18.6 Margin* 15 16 11.5 24 1 17.6 22.9 8.2 *Bet. Support-Oppose Source: Compiled from information supplied by Public Opinion Programme (POP). Social Sciences Research Centre, University of Hong Kong On his part. Governor Patten appeared to have no choice because to have delayed the bill further without any clear commitment from China on resuming negotiations would have undermined his credibility and authority to govern Hong Kong for the rest of his tenure. Therefore, the British Government insisted that there should be no prerequisite for the resumption of talks. The role of Legco in preparing the 1994- 95 electoral plans also emerged as a stum- bling block to Sino-British negotiations. China outright rejected the "three-legged stool" arrangement - that the Hong Kong leg- islature be allowed a say on matters in con- junction with the two sovereign powers. Beijing maintained that only China and Britain and no other third party should decide on the political reforms. Britain insisted that to prohibit Legco participation was unpalat- able as any matters involving the legislative process would require the approval of the Hong Kong Legislative Council. China also strongly opposed any Hong Kong officials, especially Patten, as formal team members. However, for the British, by- passing the Hong Kong government would violate conventional arrangements since the Joint Declaration - that any talks involving the territory's affairs would include Hong Kong officials. China's reluctance to allow Hong Kong representation on the British negotiating team was the immediate reason for the failure to resume discussions. Although Britain maintains that the "door is still open." the government is not opti- mistic that talks will soon resume because of these fundamental differences. Nevertheless, the post-transition period will be very diffi- cult for Hong Kong without Sino-British cooperation. Joe Clark Addresses Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong On March 30. Constitutional Affairs Minister and former Prime Minister, the Rt. Hon. Joe Clark addressed the Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong on the topic, "Canada, China, and Hong Kong." In his luncheon address, Clark stressed that sup- port for Governor Chris Patten's constitutional reform proposals "is the key to prosperity" in Hong Kong. He maintained that Canada wants the territory to remain an "open society after its return to Chinese sovereignty in 1997" [Toronto Star, 31 March 1993, p. 16]. His speech outlined Canada's political and economic interests in China and Hong Kong. With regard to the Sino-British dispute over democratic reforms, he stressed, "We are. ..interested in Hong Kong, China and Britain working out among themselves an agreed arrangement for a smooth transition in 1997, one that keeps Hong Kong's prosperity and identity and stability." Clark visited Hong Kong after a week's stay in China where he met with leaders in Beijing, including Prime Minister Li Peng. Clark is the most senior Canadian government official to visit China since the June 4th Tianamen massacre. He also attended the Williamsburg Conference, sponsored by the Asia Society, in the southern Chinese city of Zhongshan. Mr. Clark met with Governor Patten in Hong Kong and discussed Canada's views on the future of the territory and his recent talks with PRC leaders. Apart from Mr. Clark, Minister of External Affairs Barbara McDougal also had planned a visit to Hong Kong in early March. However, the trip was cancelled after Prime Minister Brian Mulronery announced his resignation. 6 UPDATE Beijing Update by Christina Mungan Beijing As evinced in the official Chinese press (the China Daily and People's Daily), rela- tions between the Chinese and Hong Kong governments remained frosty this winter, with few signs of a "thaw" this spring. From November through March, press coverage of the constitutional proposals of Governor Chris Patten was very hostile. The proposals to develop Hong Kong's representative insti- tutions were portrayed in the Chinese media as a wanton rejection of the Basic Law and a scheme to build up Patten's personal reputa- tion at the expense of the economic stability. unity, and lasting happiness of Hong Kong. However, the seeming intransigence with which officials at every level of the Chinese government announced that they would not discuss the matter until Patten renounced his "antagonistic attitude" [China Daily. Dec. 12] covered real shifts in approach. A low was reached in early December when Beijing threatened to repudiate after 1 997 not only any changes to the Basic Law but also any debts or business contracts under- taken by the Hong Kong Government, with- out China's approval. The latter was in response to the "unilateral" award in November of contracts related to Hong Kong's new airport construction. The day after condemning the awards, both the People's Daily and China Daily warned on December 1 that "Britain's administrative power over Hong Kong will terminate on June 30, 1997." Lest readers miss the point, the articles continued: "con- tracts, leases and agreements signed and rat- ified by the Hong Kong British Government that are not approved by the Chinese side will be invalid after June 30, 1997." While the press invective over airport contracts subsided, less than two weeks later China Daily - though not the People's Daily - suggested that the Basic Law, like the air- port and container port-related contracts, might simply be repudiated after 1997. On its front page, 1 1 December 1992, China Daily warned, "If the British Government is bent on its own way by refusing to return to consultation and co-operation as stipulated in the Joint Declaration, then China will have no alternative but start (sic) all over again after 1997." In an otherwise identical article, this line did not appear in the People's Daily At the same time, what the Chinese media did not report revealed almost as much about the government's attitude. The press failed to mention that Beijing was stonewalling Patten's requests to return to negotiations or offer alternative proposals. In fact. Chinese readers, relying solely on the official press, would have had no idea what points of the Basic Law Patten pro- posed to clarify by his democratic reforms. After early December however, the Chinese Government adopted a different tactic, and the carrot replaced the stick in Beijing's press campaign against the propos- als. A succession of articles emphasized Hong Kong's narrow escape from a world- wide recession thanks to its "gradual eco- nomic integration with the Chinese main- land [China Daily. Jan. 6 & Feb. 12]. The head of the New China News Agency in Hong Kong and Singapore leader Lee Kuan Yew were quoted as saying that a stable business climate would benefit Hong Kongers more that the illusory promises held out by Patten with his "ulterior motives." By the end of February, China had also adopted a more conciliatory approach on other matters. The Government compro- mised on a sore point with Hong Kong trav- ellers and eliminated its new random AIDS testing at the border. On March 5. Beijing even seemed to back down from the earlier demand that Patten drop his political pro- posals before talks could resume. In a front page story in the People's Daily. Li Peng told representatives of Hong Kong's General Chamber of Commerce. "Even though the Hong Kong governor's political reform plan brought about difficul- ties for Sino-British co-operation ... the Chinese side holds that the two sides should 'sit down and talk.'" In another article the same day in China Daily, a Foreign Ministry spokesman "declined to comment on specu- lations that China is negotiating with Britain" over Patten's package but added that "China always calls for consultation and co-operation between the two sides." The next day. along with other cheery news for the Olympic Inquiry Committee due to arrive in Beijing, a small article on the front page of China Daily quoted Patten informing Legco that "exchanges" in Beijing had already resolved most points of dispute in preparation for formal Sino- British talks. The People's Daily never con- firmed that any exchanges had occurred, which might have been enough in itself to warn of a chill blast to come. Two days later China's major newspapers renewed attack on Hong Kong's airport pro- ject. On March 14 and 15, the People's Daily and China Daily, respectively, devoted nearly a full page - out of only eight pages available - to lambasting Patten for demand- ing the inclusion of Hong Kong officials in any Sino-British talks. In one memorable phrasing, when Patten decided to publish his reform package over Chinese protest, the China Daily [March 16] denounced the move as indicating "that the British side is without sincerity in approach- ing the talks on the issue, prompting people to question its creditability [sic] in its hon- ouring of international commitments." Ironically, three days later it was the Chinese who warned that Sino-British trade links might be imperiled by the dispute. As March drew to a close, the National People's Congress made a point of reiterating opposi- tion to Patten's proposals on a daily basis, and improved relations with Britain seemed a more distant prospect than ever. UPDATE 7 Regional Variations in Hong Kong Immigration When potential immigrants apply to come to Canada, they state their intended destination in Canada. Immigrants who are accepted are not required to stay in the stated destination after they arrive, unless their application is conditional on doing so, as with certain categories of employment. This lack of a firm requirement means that the state- ment of intended destination is not an absolutely accurate indication of actual settlement. However, as the only indication immigrants give of where they may settle, it is the best available figure for the distribution of immigrants within Canada. Over the past four years, the largest proportion of immigrants from Hong Kong has been destined for Ontario, with the second place con- sistently held by British Columbia: by Diana Lary UBC, Vancouver immigration to Ontario. The slight decline in the proportion going to Toronto is probably explained by a trend towards settlement in places immediately adjacent to Metro Toronto. There is an even more pronounced pattern of urban concentration in British Columbia. In 1988,4,965 of 5,188 landings in British Columbia were in Vancouver (95%); in 1989, 4,661 of 4,849 (96%); and in 1990. 7,471 of 7,660 (97.5%). In 1991 the figures for Vancouver were 6,054 (96%), and in 1992, 8,664, or 95%. Permanent residents admitted from Hong Kong, by urban area Major provincial destinations, immigrants CLPR Hong Kong Ontario B.C. Quebec 1988 58% 22% 10% 1989 54% 24% m 1990 55% 26% 9% 1991 51' , 28% 8% 1992 47', 2591 8% There has been a relative decline in the proportion of people intend- ing to go to Ontario and a rise in the proportion going to Quebec, while the proportions going to British Columbia and Alberta have been quite stable. Immigrants admitted from Hong Kong, by province' 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 Alberta 2257 1623 2535 1830 2960 B.C. 5188 4849 7660 6309 9162 Manitoba 409 267 340 314 405 New Brunswick 33 41 39 52 70 Newfoundland 30 28 17 14 43 NWT 7 9 17 18 4 Nova Scotia 63 71 95 77 142 Ontario 13527 10812 16032 11222 16967 PEI 5 3 12 4 13 Quebec 1380 1912 1939 2310 5532 Saskatchewan 390 319 342 207 492 Yukon 4 1 7 Total 23293 19934 29029 22357 35797 The actual numbers involved tell a slightly different story. While the numbers for Alberta. Manitoba, and Saskatchewan have stayed in rough- ly the same range over the past five years, those for Ontario and British Columbia have swung quite dramatically. The latter have been influ- enced by the overall size of the migration in any particular year. The only province with consistent growth in the numbers involved is Quebec. Within each province, movement of immigrants is overwhelmingly to the major cities. In 1 988, Toronto accounted for 87% of Hong Kong immigrants to Ontario, in 1 989 and 1 990 for 86%. In 1 99 1 , 8, 1 97 of the immigrants who landed in Ontario settled in Toronto, or 73%. In 1992 the parallel figures were: Toronto, 1 1 ,442, or 68% of all Hong Kong ' These statistics are supplied by the Immigration Statistics Division, Employment and Immigration Canada. Slight variations in some of the statistics published in earlier Updates reflect minor corrections. 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 Calgary 1078 7411 302 780 1424 Edmonton 1055 791 2960 904 1274 Halifax 52 63 77 62 123 Montreal 1347 1837 1881 2224 5416 Ottawa 339 228 325 310 453 Quebec 2 15 18 15 14 Regina 188 140 161 89 263 Saskatoon 91 54 115 80 98 Toronto 11780 9329 13806 8197 11442 Vancouver 4965 4661 7471 6054 8664 Winnipeg 386 225 311 302 3X3 Other 2010 1850 2448 6224 11752 Patterns of immigration across the country vary quite strongly by class of immigration. There are marked concentrations of certain class- es of immigrants in different parts of the country. In 1 99 1 , Ontario was the destination of 50% of all immigrants, but of 6 1 % of independent immigrants, 63%- of family class immigrants, and 63% of assisted rela- tives. In 1992 the province received 47% of all immigrants, but 53% of independents, 64% of all family class, and 63% of assisted relatives. In 1991 Quebec attracted 10% of all immigrants and 25% of all business class immigrants (entrepreneur, self-employed, and investor classes). In 1992 the figures were 15% of all immigration and 30% of the busi- ness class. British Columbia attracted a disproportionately large num- ber of retirees: in 199 1 , 48% (as opposed to 28% of all immigration) and in 1992, 45% (as opposed to 25% of total immigration.-' In terms of the composition of the immigrant body within a single province, there are also major variations between provinces. In 1991, 47% of Ontario's Hong Kong immigrants were in the family class, and another 13% were assisted relatives, while only 16% were in the busi- ness and 17% independents. In 1992 the parallel figures were 49% and 14%. with 17% in the business classes and 10% independents. In 1991. 69% of all Hong Kong immigrants to Quebec were in the business classes and in 1992, 78%. British Columbia has a more even distribu- tion. For 1991 the proportions were family class 29%. assisted relatives 8%, business classes 39%, and independent 7%. For 1992 the figures were 31%- family class, 8% assisted relatives, 39% business classes, and 5% independent. The continuing decline of the independent class is a cause for con- cern, since it is in this class above all that Canada hopes to find the tal- ent for the future. - The retiree class has already been eliminated. People arriving in Canada in this class made their applications some time ago. 8 UPDATE Immigration class by province. 1991 FamiK C Hiven tesign Assist Entre- Self- Invest Retired Other TOTAL Class Ref. i lass Rel preneur Empkn Indep. New lnuiuiland 2 4 3 5 14 PEI 1 1 2 4 Nova Scotia 21 9 37 5 (I 5 77 New Brunswick 13 1 3 12 t) 16 7 52 Quebec 243 5 4 61 1049 5(1 502 82 314 2310 Ontario 5246 7 21 1471 900 174 686 846 1871 11222 Manitoba 109 1 2 29 46 43 23 61 314 Saskatchewan 65 18 48 4 25 16 31 207 Alberta 805 1 10 247 223 8 103 150 283 1830 Northwest Terr. 7 1 5 5 18 B.C. 1828 3 5 477 1288 68 1105 1064 471 6309 Yukon Prov. Not Statec TOTAL 8340 17 43 2321 3608 304 2474 2197 3053 22357 Immigration class by pro\ ince, 1992 Famil) Convert design Assist Entre- Self- Invest. Retired Other TOTAL Class Ref. Class Rel. preneur Employ. Indep. Newfoundland 24 9 10 43 PEI 5 4 1 3 13 Nova Scotia 37 10 40 9 35 3 8 142 New Brunswick 21 14 22 4 9 70 Quebec 302 1 79 2990 223 1119 174 643 5532 Ontario 8351 11 9 2311 1713 264 1208 1381 1719 16967 Manitoba 158 36 93 1 30 43 43 405 Saskatchewan 1 09 45 211 2 52 27 45 492 Alberta 1278 3 415 546 16 169 279 253 2960 Northwest Terr. 1 2 1 4 B.C 2808 2 734 1981 108 1487 1557 485 9162 Yukon 3 4 7 Prov. Not Stated TOTAL 13097 17 13 3646 7604 623 4110 3468 3219 35797 Moratorium on Immigrant Investor Program in Manitoba On 4 January the Manitoba government placed a moratorium on provincial accep- tance or processing of any offerings under the federal Immigrant Investor Program (IIP). Manitoba Industry, Trade and Tourism Minister Eric Stefanson announced that this action was taken following receipt of an inde- pendent auditor's report calling for a clearer definition of the roles and responsibilities of the federal and provincial governments with respect to the review, compliance, and moni- toring of the program. The overall objective of the provincial government's position is to conduct a comprehensive review of the investment offerings developed under the program to ensure compliance and to deter- mine the economic benefits accruing to the Province. Investment proposed by previously approved syndicated funds which have met their minimum capital requirements will still be allowed. However, prior to an investment being made, those proposals will be subject to an independent evaluation retained by the province at the expense of the proponent. Upon resolution of the issues raised in the auditor's report, the province will require a similar independent evaluation from project specific business venture proposals. The province, in conducting its review of economic merit, will also increase the empha- sis on the financial analysis as well as assess- ing the impact of the specific project proposal on the respective industry sector. The firm of Deloitte and Touche was hired to undertake the program audit. Stefanson also stated that Manitoba will begin discussions with the fed- eral government aimed at resolving the fol- lowing issues, raised by the auditor's report: 1 ) requiring offerings of immigrant investor funds to come under the control of a fed- eral regulatory authority; 2) placing responsibility for monitoring and reviewing the promoters' reporting obliga- tions with a federal regulatory authority; 3) expanding the program regulations and guidelines to include the ability to apply penalties directly against the promoters for failure to comply with the guidelines; 4) extending the investor holding period for syndicated funds from 5 years to 7-10 years or terminate the acceptance of syn- dicated funds; 5) establishing program guidelines which will require immigrant investor funds to be maintained as trust funds throughout the development of the project and the investment period for a syndicated fund; 6) requiring full disclosure and capping of financial benefits accruing to pro- moters and developers in the offering memorandum; 7) requiring promoters to provide an inde- pendent verification by an auditor certify- ing that the actual cost, promoters' and developers' fees and any other related costs incurred are in accordance with the offering memorandum; and 8) requiring a minimum of 50% of individual subscriptions to be sold before an offering can proceed, with at least a 10% cash deposit with the escrow agent and the remainder supported by an irrevocable bank letter of credit issued by an interna- tionally recognized financial institution. The IIP was introduced by Employment and Immigration Canada (EIC) in January 1986 to attract successful and skilled business persons who wish to immigrate to Canada and invest their capital in Canadian business ventures. The program was specifically designed to be a new source of capital for Canadian business ventures to benefit eco- nomic development in Canada. Under the program, immigrants are provided an oppor- tunity to either invest in a specific business venture or in a syndicate which, in turn, invests in eligible businesses. UPDATE 9 Political Participation of Chinese-Canadians in Toronto Toronto's Chinese-Canadians have par- ticipated in politics by organizing pressure groups, contacting government officials, and voting or running in local elections. One such active pressure group in Toronto is the Chinese Canadian National Council for Equality [see Update, Spring 1991, 4:13J, which articulates the interests of seg- ments of the Chinese community. For example, the CCNC often demands that the federal government redress the issue of the head tax, which was imposed on every Chinese immigrant from the 19th to mid-20th century [Sing Tao, 19 January 1993, p. 7]. Recently, the Council lobbied Employment and Immigration Canada and urged the federal government to consult the opinions of ethnic groups before the imple- mentation of changes in policy proposals. One such change generating Council con- cern was the proposal that immigrant spous- es who marry Canadian citizens or landed immigrants return to their country of origin in order to apply for landed status. Contacting government officials at the municipal level is another important form of Chinese political participation. A good example of this municipal involvement was the recent February meeting between city officials and shopkeepers from the Spadina/ Dundas Chinatown area. To alleviate refuse problems, Chinese store owners urged gov- ernment officials to consider collecting garbage from Chinatown three days rather than only two days per week. Many Chinese-Canadians have also actively participated in Toronto's elections at the federal, provincial, municipal, and school board levels. As the Chinese popula- tion in Metro has grown considerably since the late 1980s, these new eligible voters have become the lobbying target of Chinese-Canadian candidates in the forth- coming federal elections. To date, three candidates of Chinese background have been nominated to run in the next federal elections. With the retire- ment of MP Dan Heap from political life, his assistant Winnie Ng was nominated as the New Democratic Party (NDP) candidate in the Trinity-Spadina constituency, a stronghold of the NDP in past federal elec- tions. Since the party nomination, Winnie by Sonny Lo Toronto Ng has been very active in campaigning for support in the Chinese community. Another Chinese-Canadian, Ben Eng, recently received (March 23) the nomina- tion of the Progressive Conservative Party (PC) in Scarborough-Agincourt riding. He is a 42-year old former sergeant in the metropolitan police force for eleven years. Since his decision to participate in the forth- coming elections, many leaders in the Chinese community have expressed their support. However, Eng's affiliation with the PC may be a liability as the Tory party is unpopular among many electorates. It also remains to be seen if Eng will be able to mobilize the ethnic support of Scarborough's Chinese community, whose political awareness and orientations have not been hitherto studied by researchers. The third ethnic Chinese candidate is David Lu, who was nominated February 1 1 by the NDP in the Don Valley North riding. Lu immigrated to Canada as a refugee from Vietnam in 1979 and is presently an advisor in the municipal government's Labour Consultation and Action Centre [Sing Tao, 12 February 1993, p. 2]. According to Lu. in September 1992 NDP headquarters encouraged members of ethnic minorities to participate in future federal elections. As a result, he wrote an open letter to 200 NDP members in Don Valley North, expressing his intention to seek the party's nomination. In subsequent letters to these party members, he outlined his political platform, which includes oppo- sition to the Free Trade Agreement between Canada, the U.S., and Mexico; a demand for the federal government to provide more jobs for Canadians; and an increase in taxes on large business enterprises. Like the other two candidates, Lu has appealed for support from the Chinese com- munity. As an executive member of the Vietnamese-Cambodia-Laos-Chinese Services Organization of Ontario since 1983. Lu will secure the support of the association's members in Toronto. The main question is whether he can defeat his oppo- nents by securing enough votes across eth- nic lines in Don Valley North. It is a significant phenomenon that more Canadian Chinese in Toronto are actively participating in the forthcoming federal elections and that three candidates have received their party nominations. Regardless of their success in election to the House of Commons, their participation has already not only symbolized the integration of Chinese-Canadians into mainstream political life, but also marked an important chapter in the political history of the Chinese community in Toronto. Several of the newly nominated Chinese- Canadian candidates for federal elections have connections with Hong Kong, so we have featured interviews with some of them: Ben Eng and Winnie Ng of the Metro Toronto area and Raymond Chan of Vancouver. Tommy Tao, who also came from Hong Kong, is the NDP nominee from Vancouver Quadra and will he interviewed for the next issue. Ben Eng 10 UPDATE Ben Eng: PC Nominee for Scarborough-Agincourt Ben Eng. a 42-year old former police sergeant, was nominated March 23 as the Tory candidate for the Scarborough- Agincourt riding. Composed of diverse ethnic groups, this suburban riding includes approxi- mately 100,000 residents, about 20% of whom are ethnic Chinese. 25% Anglo- Canadian, and 55% other groups including Greek. Afro-Canadian, and South Asian. Many of the Chinese residents are recent immigrants from Hong Kong. Ben Eng is a well-known figure in Toronto. As a member of the Metro Toronto Police Force and Officer of the Year in 1 989. he served with the Asian Crime Squad and in the Public Affairs Department. Two years ago, he made headlines over differences w ith Susan Eng. Chair of the Police Services Board, about the release of crime statistics by ethnic background. He now heads a consult- ing business, Falcon Filmworks and Multi Eyes Student Sendees, which provides a cri- sis intervention service for visa and immi- grant students and their parents, many of whom are from Hong Kong or Taiwan. On March 26. Bernard Luk and I inter- view ed Mr. Eng to discuss his background, his position on various issues, and plans for his upcoming election campaign and for his riding. Asked about his platform. Ben stressed his main concerns are the economy and, what he terms, "social law and order." By the latter, he means not only safety of the community but concern with abuse of social assistance programs, strengthening of the refugee process, tightening criminal proce- dures, and a focus on the responsibilities and contributions of Canadian citizens to their country. His perspective and experience as a police officer has obviously influenced his political positions. In his nomination acceptance speech, Ben emphasized that it is time for a "new style of politics" and a new attitude by ordinary Canadians. "We Canadians have to stop this attitude of take, take take, and not putting anything back in. This 'new attitude' must not only reflect appreciating what we have but also how we as individuals can contribute to ensure that Canada remains ranked by the United Nations as the best place in the world." In his campaign, he hopes to transfer his integrity as a police officer to the political by Janet A. Rubinqff Toronto arena and win back the trust of ordinary citi- zens for their elected representatives. Asked about his campaign strategies, Mr. Eng stressed the importance of mobilization of support and voter outreach. While there are many recent immigrants in his riding, most of these are already citizens but many are not registered to vote. He sees a major challenge in reaching these new citizens and encourag- ing their involvement in the local political process. Asked about plans for his constituen- cy. Ben indicated that he favoured more par- ticipatory democracy at the local level and greater involvement of citizens. He plans to set up a "constituency parliament." to provide a forum for the discussion of local and national issues. In response to our question about his nom- ination by the Progressive Conservatives, he mentioned that he had been approached by several parties, including the Liberals and the Reform Party. His father. Hughes Eng, is an active member of the provincial Liberal Party. As Ben admits, it would have been an easy route for him to run as a Liberal since there was already an established Chinese group, headed by former Ontario Minister of Energy Bob Wong, within the party. However, he felt his philosophical leanings and political thinking were closer to the con- servatives. He thus accepted the offer to run as a PC candidate in Scarborough-Agincourt. Asked about the issue of "tokenism" as an ethnic Chinese candidate, he indicated that he felt this was not a problem, though he had been approached to oppose Winnie Ng in the Trinity-Spadina riding. He prefers not to be labelled an "ethnic candidate" and identifies himself first and foremost as a Canadian. However, he is aware of his Chinese roots and feels that over the years he has forged an identity based on "bi-culturalism," like many other immigrants. He speaks Cantonese and Toishanese (Pearl River Delta dialect) and has also made the effort to learn Mandarin. In response to a question on the possibility of his "entrapment" by special political inter- est groups within the Chinese community, such as Taiwan or PRC proponents, he also did not feel that would be a problem for his candidacy. Regarding specific questions about his position on issues related to the Chinese community like the head tax, he stressed that he did not support redress of the head tax on an individual basis but did advo- cate negotiations with the federal government and the establishment of an endowment fund. Concerning the issue of human rights in China, he looks forward to hearing the posi- tion of his Chinese constituency. In general. he said that "we can't forget the lives at Tiananmen." but at some point. "Canada also had to increase its interaction with China." Ben Eng feels that the number of Chinese- Canadian candidates now running is an indi- cation of the "political maturing of the Chinese community," which has taken its place in mainstream political life. It has been twenty years since anyone of Chinese descent served at the federal level. The newer wave of Chinese and Hong Kong immigrants have established themselves in Canada, and the older Chinese community now has many con- nections and is more centralized in its identi- ty. Ben feels that people like himself. Bob Wong, and Citizenship Judge. Gordon Chong - who are of Chinese descent but grew up in Canada, articulate a "westernized way," and are integrated in mainstream Canadian life - have a unique role to play as a bridge between the older and newer Chinese- Canadian communities. Ben sees himself more in this role as a bridge between cultures rather than an ethnic Chinese candidate. As a Canadian-raised and trained police officer for many years, he is well known by the immigrant Chinese com- munity. In answer to a question about the possibil- ity of an Anglo "backlash" against ethnic candidates, Ben replied that it was more like- ly to be a political, rather than ethnic, reaction by voters against unpopular incumbents and their policies. He felt the fact that both he as a Tory and Winnie Ng (NDP) were running on opposite sides would defuse the "Chinese- ness" of any issue. Most Canadians are very familiar w ith the Chinese community, and people are basically comfortable with the suc- cess of the Chinese. He concluded that how much each candidate used or flaunted his "Chineseness" or focused on singularly Chinese concerns, like redress of the head tax, was up to him/her. For his part. Ben intends to keep his campaign centred on Canadian issues, such as the economy and law and order. UPDATE 11 Winnie Ng: NDP Candidate for Trinity-Spadina Ms. Ng, well-known in the community for her work in the labour and anti-racism movements, has been nominated to run as the federal NDP candidate in the Trinity- Spadina riding of Toronto. She replaces Dan Heap, M.P. (NDP) who retires this year. Encompassing the University of Toronto to working class neighbourhoods, this down- town riding is one of the most linguistically and culturally diverse in the city, including Chinese, Italian, Vietnamese and Portuguese groups. Bernard Luk and I interviewed Winnie Ng for this article on March 30. Though she was born and grew up in Hong Kong, Ms. Ng is of Hokkien back- ground. Her parents were originally from Fujian province in China. She is fluent in Cantonese, Mandarin and Hokkien, as well as English and some French. She first came to Canada in 1968 as a high school visa student and spent two years in Victoria, B.C. Graduating with a B.A. in Sociology from McGill. she married and came to Toronto in 1975. She landed her first job in 1975 at University Settlement House where she worked for two years and helped establish the first English classes for immi- grant workers. She later became the first Chinese-Canadian union organizer with the International Ladies Garment Workers Union. As early as 1976, she and her husband helped in the election campaigns of Dan Heap, and she has been involved in local NDP politics ever since. In response to our question, "Do people try to identify you as 'the Chinese candi- date'," Winnie conceded that some do. However, she emphasized that her support also included the women's and labour move- ments, in addition to her support from the Chinese community. She mentioned the need to make a broader appeal than Chinese votes since her riding is so diverse. Even the local Chinese community in her riding is not homogeneous and includes both old established residents and new immi- grants. Many of the latter are not yet citizens; Winnie Ng the majority are from the PRC. rather than Hong Kong, or ethnic Chinese from Vietnam. Of the approximately 97,000 residents in the riding, only about 20% of them are of Chinese background. As a member of the New Democratic Party, Ng's political stance as a workers' advocate is well known. She is also familiar to the residents of the riding, from all ethnic groups, since she has lived and worked in the community for over 18 years. We talked about the prospect of the provincial NDP government being a liability to her federal election campaign. Her response was that her campaign emphasized federal rather than provincial issues - particu- larly, economic issues like opposition to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and its effect on Canadian jobs. Her campaign motto is "jobs and justice." She admitted the election could be very close and would basically be a two-way race between Liberal and NDP candidates. Trinity-Spadina was traditionally a Liberal riding until Dan Heap won by a narrow mar- gin in 1981. Since then the elections for MP have always been close. Questioned about how conservative-liber- al splits within the Chinese community might affect her campaign, Ms. Ng hopes to recon- cile some of these differences by staying above local disputes within the community. Regarding the head tax issue, she supports government redress to the individual victims of this tax, in addition to the establishment of an endowment fund for the community as a whole. She feels it is important for the gov- ernment to negotiate with the victims as a gesture of good will. As a Canadian candidate. Ms. Ng does not see herself becoming embroiled in Taiwan- PRC political issues. She strongly supports a development model which respects human rights and democracy - not just for Taiwan or China but for all areas of the world. An admirable part of Canadian identity is the country's current position on human rights. She feels Canada's emphasis on basic human rights should be extended not only externally to include its relations with the Third World but also internally to improve conditions for Native Canadians. From the issue of human rights, we asked about how she would chart the course of racism in Canada, its rise and decline. Winnie answered that there had been some definite progress against more blatant forms of dis- crimination, especially since the 1940s when Chinese-Canadians could not vote. However, today there are more subtle forms of racism which must be challenged; "we can never be complaisant about this progress." She sup- ports more anti-racism programs that empha- size equality, respect and understanding between different peoples. She also favours legislation to break down systemic barriers to equality in Canadian society. She envisions "prospects for more funda- mental change" in the future and a broader national commitment to multiculturalism, what she terms "the celebration of Canada's multi-heritage." In particular, "the House of Commons should reflect the gender balance and the cultural diversity of Canada." This is the vision she feels Canadians must work towards. 12 UPDATE Raymond Chan: Liberal Party Candidate in B.C. In Hugh X. Tan Vancouver On 29 November 1992. Raymond Chan won the federal Liberal Party nomination for Richmond, B.C. In a close vote. Chan defeat- ed ibv onlj 250 votes) the second-ranked candidate. Herb Dhaliwal. an Indo-Canadian businessman and vice-chair of B.C. Hydro. At the time there was considerable controver- sy over the issue of allow ing non-residents of Richmond riding to vote - a practice permit- ted under Liberal Party rules, although an attempt was made to change it in mid-stream. Mr. Chan, who emigrated from Hong Kong in 1969 and became a Canadian citizen in 1974. is an engineer at the TRIUMF Centre and former chairman of the Vancouver Society in Support of Democratic Movement (VSSDM) [see Update. 5: 15]. Having completed grade 1 2 at Vancouver Technical Secondary School, he received a Bachelor of Applied Science in Engineering Physics from the University of British Columbia and has worked at TRIUMF for the past 14 years. Raymond Chan first entered local politics in 1989 when he organized and was founding chairman of the VSSDM. During his three year term, he made many contacts with offi- cials at three levels of government, and he became aware of the lack of representation by Asian Canadians. For example in the par- liament, there were no M.P.s from the over 800.000 Chinese-Canadian population. He felt that as a result, mainstream Canadian society had little knowledge of Asian coun- tries or of the Asian communities in Canada. In order to change this situation. Mr. Chan decided to run for the federal Liberal Party nomination in Richmond, where Asian- Canadian communities have expanded rapid- ly in the past few years. He has been a long- time supporter of the Liberal Party and partic- ularly values its policies on free enterprise and multiculturalism. At present. Raymond Chan is actively preparing for the federal election by holding fund raising events and advertising his political platform to the 120.000 Richmond residents. Hong Kong and the US-China Most Favoured Nation Issue With the approach of June and the begin- ning of summer, we can expect to see repre- sentatives and senators in the US Congress raising the issue of China's Most Favoured Nation (MFN) status with the United States. Hong Kong has been caught in a recurring debate between the US and China on this issue since 1989. The territory's vulnerability in this perennial dispute reflects the impor- tance to Hong Kong not only of its interna- tional trade position, but also of its trade and investment relationship with China and the growing fusion of the South China and Hong Kong economies. To a certain extent. Canadian exports to China could also be caught in the crossfire between the US and Beijing. MFN status is a fundamental element of the trading relationship between the two countries. Since it was granted to China in 1980, it has given the PRC the lowest avail- able tariffs on its exports to the United States. China's MFN status must be renewed by Presidential waiver annually, and this must be approved by Congress. Until 1989 and the killings and repression of Tiananmen, this was a formality. Since then, however, this issue has been linked to human rights issues in China, and representa- tives in the United States Congress pressured former President George Bush to abrogate this arrangement. Presidential veto of Congressional legislation has been used to continue China's MFN status. For the United States Congress, the issue is more than a political statement about human rights issues in China. China's bur- geoning trade surplus with the United States, estimated to be at least SI 2 billion this year. has also created resentment within the US. Lobbyists from various American industrial and labour groups have applied considerable pressure on Congressional and executive branches. On their side. Chinese leaders hav e also been sending a steady stream of high- level delegations to the United States to pro- mote China's case for continued MFN status. The issue has important implications for Hong Kong. First of all. China's exports to the United States through Hong Kong are more than double direct exports to the United States. Two 1990 US government studies estimated that loss of MFN status would result in significant tariff increases on 90' i of Chinese exports to the LIS and a loss of about $3 billion in Chinese exports. This would have a profound impact on the Hong Kong shipping and handling industries, as well as other services and commercial infrastructure. More significant would be the impact on Hong Kong companies which have moved to or established manufacturing facili- ties in South China. These manufacturers would suddenly lose their competitive posi- tion in the United States market. MFN status is reciprocal, which means that non-renewal of this status would also have an impact on US exports, as they would be subject to a 209c tariff. While the US is an important source of technology for China, the bulk of China's imports from the United States still consists of grain, semi-manufac- tured goods, and some equipment which could be imported from other sources, includ- ing Canada. The importance of this issue to Hong Kong is something which unites the leading elements in Hong Kong politics. When the issue first arose in 1990. the governor of Hong Kong at the time. Sir David Wilson, wrote to the United States Congress urging them to approve renewal of China's MFN status. Leading Hong Kong politicians, industrialists, and economists warned of the impact of loss of MFN status on the territo- ry's economy. They predicted a massive flow of investment out of Hong Kong to Southeast Asia, especially Singapore. Even former US Ambassador Winston Lord added his voice to this chorus. A new President and a new Congress will be addressing this issue in June. It may be that, despite the rhetoric and hyperbole. MFN status will be renewed for another year. In the meantime. China will attempt to reduce the irritant of its large trade surplus by giving more favourable consideration to United States exports to China for products and com- modities which Canada is also attempting to export. So while the implications for Hong Kong are important. Canada may also be affected by this ongoing trade dispute. UPDATE Canada and Hong Kong Sign Environment Agreement On 8 September 1992, Canada and Hong Kong signed a four year environmental coop- eration agreement to increase the exchange of information and technology. The accord was signed in Hong Kong by Canada's Minister of State for the Environment, Pauline Browes, and Hong Kong's Secretary for Planning, Environment and Lands Branch, Tony Eason. The agreement calls for the two countries to develop a program in the areas of environ- mental impact assessment, public awareness and education, waste management, applica- tion of clean technology, and atmospheric pol- lution, including acid rain and climate change. At the signing ceremony, Minister Browes stated, "Canada is committed to maintaining the momentum of the recent U.N. Conference on Environment and Development. One of the requirements for success on a global scale is partnerships. The agreement signed today exemplifies the teamwork that we must con- tinue to build between nations and within nations." Secretary Eason declared, "The Hong Kong Government welcomes the opportunity to participate with the Government of Canada in the bilateral Memorandum of Understanding on environ- mental cooperation. We also look forward to sharing information with Canada on its very comprehensive Green Plan and our own White Paper on the Environment." Canada's Green Plan, a six-year, CDN $3 billion strategy for introducing sustainable development in Canada, commits the federal government to strengthen bilateral environ- mental cooperation. Through the exchange of knowledge and creation of commercial oppor- tunities, this environmental agreement signed between Canada and Hong Kong is a step towards global environmental protection. In addition, such partnerships stimulate trade in environmental products and services. During her visit to Hong Kong to sign the Environmental Agreement, the Hon. Pauline Browes, Minister of State for Environment, visited the Canadian International School, September 1992. Memories of the fall of Hong Kong and the capture of Canadian troops there have been revived over the past while. Claims in the recently released report of Major-General Maltby, the British commander in Hong Kong at the time of the Japanese invasion in December 1941, that Canadian soldiers were drunk and cowardly and that they failed to put up a strong resistance to the Japanese, have been soundly rejected in Canada. The allega- tions have been seen as the attempt of a defeat- ed commander, who suffered the humiliation of surrendering to the Japanese on Christmas Day, to shift blame for the defeat onto other shoul- ders - in this case onto the shoulders of non- British troops. The report, which has just become available in London under the fifty year rule, followed the same lines as a recently released report on the fall of Singapore, in which the British commander blamed the col- The Fall of Hong Kong lapse in Singapore on the cowardice of Australian troops. There were loud protests and counter-claims in Australia. In Canada, Defense Minister Kim Campbell came strongly to the support of the Canadian troops and stated that there was no historical basis for the report. The existing accounts of the fall of Hong Kong and the subsequent imprisonment of eight hundred Canadian troops have never made any mention of cowardice. Instead, they describe the impossible task the soldiers were given. The troops, from the Winnipeg Grenadiers and the Royal Rifles, arrived in Hong Kong only a few weeks before it came under Japanese attack. Hong Kong was almost impossible to defend because of a land border with occupied China and a long and exposed sea coast. It was also extremely isolated, far away from the nearest Allied forces. Previous accounts of the fall of Hong Kong castigated the British authorities for sending the Canadian battalions to Hong Kong when they already knew that this "outpost of Empire" (in the words of Winston Churchill) could not be defended. The Canadian troops were, in effect, condemned to death or imprisonment. The repetition of criticisms of Canadian troops touched a raw nerve, coming as it did so shortly after other perceived attacks on the Canadian forces during World War II, in the CBC television series the Valour and the Horror. The Hong Kong story found surviving Canadian veterans in fighting spirit to defend their honour and that of their dead comrades. Sources on the Canadian troops during World War II include: Philip Bruce, Second to None, Oxford, 1991 . Kenneth Cambon, Guest ofHirohito, Vancouver, 1990. Carl Vincent, No Reason Why. Sl\tts\i\k, 1991. CCCHK Selects New Executive Director Ms Leslie Henderson has been appointed the new executive director of the Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong. On March 1 she replaced Heather Allan, who worked for the Chamber for 3 years. Ms Henderson is a long-term resident of Hong Kong although she spent the last two years in Vancouver as conference coordina- tor with the UBC Conference Centre. She is 14 UPDATE also a qualified secondary school teacher and taught English at the British Council in Hong Kong. She explained that she looks forward to the "challenge of making events flow smoothly and helping people make connec- tions through the Chamber." The Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong is a non-profit organization with approximately 900 members and five full- time staff. There are fifteen committees which range from China Trade to Human Resources to the Entrepreneurs Committee. The Chamber holds approximately 80 events each year, making it one of the most active Chambers in Hong Kong. It is the largest Canadian Chamber outside of Canada. The Right Connection: Government of Ontario Office in Hong Kong In Anh Truong International Trade Coordinator Ontario Office, Hong Kong For many Canadian businesses. Hong Kong is considered to be the gateway to both China and Asia. There are more Canadians liv- ing in Hong Kong and more Canadian busi- nesses located in the territory than in any other Asian country. With increasing business opportunities in China and Southeast Asia, the Government of Ontario Trade Office is contin- ually assisting Ontario companies in taking advantage of trade and investment in some of the world's fastest growing economies. In Hong Kong, doing business not only means being familiar with the environment, but it is also vital to develop proper contacts. This is where the Ontario Government office can make a difference to individuals who ven- ture to do business in this region. According to Andrew Szende. Senior Agent for Asia. "Hong Kong practices business with an old- fashioned sentiment; one has to build a trust- ing friendship before engaging in any busi- ness. This is why contacts are so important." Most of the business contacts made in Hong Kong occur outside of the office, at business and social functions, either formal or informal. Government representatives offer a high degree of credibility which enables them to interact with high-profile government offi- cials and senior business executives in both countries. The Government of Ontario can capitalize on these contacts by linking up companies or business people. With a mandate to promote and strengthen trade, investment, and cultural ties between Ontario and Asia, the Government of Ontario first opened an office in Hong Kong in 1 980. Initially, the office began w ith one trade rep- resentative and two locally-engaged staff. Today there is a team of nine Canadian and locally-hired staff, all working to serve the needs of businesses and interested parties. For Ontario firms, the staff can help iden- tify trade and investment opportunities; pro- vide advice about local business practices; source equity partners, agents, and distribu- tors; and assist in arranging appointments and itineraries. Hong Kong companies interested in investing in Ontario can equally look for the same services provided by the Government of Ontario. While the Ontario office mainly focuses its efforts on trade and related business, the staff often handles educational and cultural enquiries from the Hong Kong public. Representatives can also counsel local stu- dents and parents about education in Ontario. Thus, all individuals who are planning to study or immigrate to Ontario are encouraged to contact this office. For further information, please contact: The Government of Ontario, Canada 908 Hutchison House 10 Harcourt Road Central, Hong Kong Tel: (852) 845-3388 Fax:(852)845-5166 Canadian Business Award Launched bv CCCHK The Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong (CCCHK) recently announced the launch of the Voyageur Award, which is designed to acknowledge the achievements and contributions of successful Canadian businesses in Hong Kong. Over 35,000 Canadians reside in the territory, trading in over CDNSl .7 billion, and this award was created to recognize the increasing impor- tance of these ties between Canada and Hong Kong. In addition to the CCCHK. the award is also sponsored by the Hongkong Standard, Hongkong Telecom, the Chinese-Canadian Association, the Canadian Universities Association, and the Canadian Club. The objective of this new annual award is to honour successful Canadian business in Hong Kong. It is hoped that by offering such recognition to effective business people, the Voyageur award will serve to encourage and cultivate the entrepreneurial spirit for which Hong Kong is famous. A total of 22 nomina- tions were received by the closing date March 5. The winner will be announced at the CCCHK annual Ball on May 29. The significance of the name "voyageur" is derived from Canadian history. "Voyageurs" were people who explored the vast territory of Canada, setting up trading posts in remote areas. Since then, the term has become a metaphor for the exploration of new grounds - a very appropriate name for Canadians forging ahead in Hong Kong. Publishing in Cantonese: A Clue to Hong Kong Identity? Since 1949 the cultures of Hong Kong and China have taken very different paths. Some differences, such as those in lifestyle and standard of living, are obvious even to the casual observer. However, some subtle differ- ences exist as well. One of the most impor- tant of these is a growing sense among people in Hong Kong that they are first and foremost just that - Hong Kong people - and only sec- fry Don Snow Hong Kong ondarily Chinese. As a number of Hong Kong researchers have discovered, many in the territory, particularly younger and better educated people, have an increasingly strong tendency to identify primarily with Hong Kong and its culture rather than with the cul- ture of China. One interesting aspect of this increasing cultural gap between China and Hong Kong lies in the written Chinese language. In gener- al, people in China and Hong Kong read and write the same form of Chinese, but over the past few decades more and more articles and books in Hong Kong have been written in Cantonese rather than in Mandarin (Putonghua). Cantonese and Mandarin are both dialects of Chinese, so their grammar is very similar Publishing, cont'd page 16 UPDATE 15 Publishing, conl'd from page 16 and there is also much shared vocabulary. However, the vocabulary differences between the two are quite significant, particularly in the colloquial registers. It is primarily this lexical difference which distinguishes written Cantonese from written Mandarin. Virtually all Hong Kong newspapers have at least one or two articles daily in Cantonese, and Hong Kong's best-selling newspapers - the Oriental Daily, Sing Pao and Tin Tin Daily News - have considerably more. Cantonese articles are also found in many Hong Kong magazines, and Cantonese is often used in popular paperbacks, such as the Siu Nam Yan Chou Gei (Diary of a Little Man) series of the late 1980s. The significance of this development lies in the importance of the written Chinese lan- guage as a symbol of a unified Chinese cul- ture. While China has always had a variety of mutually unintelligible regional dialects, the use of a unified standard written language - in the past, classical Chinese and now written Mandarin - has facilitated communication and provided a common cultural core. People in different parts of China may speak differently, but they have traditionally learned to read and write the same language in school and have read the same books, newspapers, and magazines. Of course, dialects have historically made an impact on literature in many parts of China, particularly in the Wu dialect region around Suzhou and Shanghai. However, such "dialect literature" has been written primarily in standard written Chinese, with only a small admixture of dialect vocabulary. In contrast, since 1949 much Cantonese literature in Hong Kong has come to use so much uniquely Cantonese vocabulary that it is not intelligible to someone who does not speak Cantonese. Like Hong Kong television programs and films, Cantonese literature has also come to draw heavily on modem Hong Kong life for its subject matter. Writers often assume that readers will have intimate knowl- edge of the territory's current events, places. media stars, and even popular brand names. In short, Cantonese dialect literature in Hong Kong is unique in the extent to which it has become an in-group conversation, markedly local in both its language and content. The significance of Cantonese literature in Hong Kong should not be over-estimated. Schools in the territory only teach standard written Chinese, and Hong Kong publications are still dominated by the standard written language. Many people in Hong Kong also look down on written Cantonese as an inferi- or language, arguing, at least publicly, that its use should be discouraged. There is, there- fore, little likelihood that written Cantonese will soon - or ever - replace standard Chinese as Hong Kong's written language. However, given the importance of written Chinese as a symbol of China's culture, the growth of an exclusive regional Chinese writ- ten language and literature is an interesting indicator of the degree to which the culture of Hong Kong has developed an identity and life of its own. Comparisons Between Hong Kong and Canadian University Women My recent research on university-educated women in Hong Kong and Canada compares their educational, family, and work strategies. The study of such strategies has revealed differ- ences in the two societies which affect women's decisions concerning their education, choice of occupation, and career patterns. As part of my Ph.D. research, I have examined case studies of women educated at the University of Hong Kong and Simon Fraser University in British Columbia. An understanding of the differences in these employment strategies, particularly among Hong Kong women, may indicate some of the reasons why this group experiences par- ticular kinds of frustration when emigrating to Canada. In general, the strategies of work and family I found among Canadian students and graduates may be described as "exploratory." By contrast, the strategies shown by Hong Kong female stu- dents and graduates may be called "commit- ted." I have used the term "exploratory" to char- acterize the strategies of Canadian women because their career decisions appear more ten- tative and there is a tendency to keep their options open. They indicate more anticipation of and action in the following: by May Partridge Victoria, BC 1 ) investigation in more than one field of occu- pation; 2) more frequent change of jobs; and 3) more "stop-outs" from employment for chil- dren, travel, further education, relocation of self or of spouse, and from swings in the economy. Perhaps most critically, they view the purpose of work in their lives as a way to find themselves, to realize their talents. I have designated Hong Kong university- educated women's strategies as "committed" because they appear to take career decisions with a definite "game plan" in mind. This game plan has three steps: first, getting the good job, with good pay and good prospects; second, in two to three years, making the good marriage; and then, finally, having children - but only one or two, or perhaps none. Children are optional, while marriage generally is not. The obverse appears to be true for Canadian women. A number have doubts about marriage but do retain the option that if they are growing older and still wish to have a child, they may become single parents, even if by adoption. Hong Kong women do anticipate changing jobs, but they see such changes as necessary for better opportunities and in order to progress in their field. They generally do not anticipate changing fields once an occupational niche is established. They foresee only short interrup- tions in full-time employment. Overall, their orientation is to career development rather than to career change. For them, the purpose of work is to make a contribution to one's family and to society. There appear to be four factors which con- tribute to these more "committed" strategies. The first is the domestic socialization of many Hong Kong women where the chief task of growing up is seen as becoming able to make a financial contribution to the family. This atti- tude is rooted in immigrant family experiences of the struggle to establish a secure footing in a rapidly industrializing society. This struggle led to what Janet Salaff [Working Daughters of Hong Kong, Cambridge University Press, 1981] and other scholars have called the household economy - an arrangement where everyone in the household who could work, did so, parents as well as older children. All contributions were necessary and, therefore, in some sense acknowledged as valuable. Many of my study's Hong Kong participants grew up in such house- holds. Moreover, many of the young women I interviewed experienced a gain in personal sta- tus as it became clear that they would attend 16 UPDATE university. They received more attention from their fathers; the> were discussed in glow ing terms in family gatherings, as those who would have the kinds of jobs that would provide for their families well. For these young women, obligations to their natal family do not end w ith their marriage. Hong Kong does not have the kind of social security network taken for granted by Canadians, and pensions are few and far between. Therefore, most of the university graduates, especially from working class back- grounds, expect to support or help support their aging parents. Hong Kong women also seek to maintain their status within their marriage through their continued economic contribution to the house- hold. Their incomes can make a certain kind of lifestyle possible, and they want to be part of the decision-making about large purchases and major investments. In particular, middle-class housing is expensive, and their incomes are cru- cial to acquiring and keeping such accommoda- tion. In addition to learning the rewards of mak- ing a contribution to the family. Hong Kong university graduates also understand the rewards which come to a winner in the system and how to capitalize on them - that if one tops the group in a particular skill or body of knowl- edge, one is entitled to expect other rewards, such as promotion and a raise in pay. This atti- tude is developed in response to a single-sex, highly competitive educational system. This system was nurtured in the network of convent and mission schools initially provided for girls in Hong Kong, and it still owes much to these institutions. Although it has its negative attributes, it encourages young women to com- pete strongly for what places are available at university. It also stresses early concentration on those academic subjects likely to provide entrance to good occupational prospects. Streaming grows tighter and tighter as one pro- ceeds through the system, each set of examina- tions narrowing the field of choice. Exams determine access to good English language schools in preparation for university, and they determine acceptance to the arts or science streams, each branch of which opens only to certain degree programs and, hence, occupa- tions. Therefore, those who succeed in this sys- tem become very focused on particular goals. Always the competition in English remains paramount. It is the language of instruction at the University of Hong Kong, and, thus, the need for its mastery determines the outcome of many young women's lives. It is little wonder thai Hong Kong University graduates coming to Canada find it frustrating to encounter certain attitudes about their English when thej ha\ e been clear winners in the language throughout a schooling system whose rewards are still heavi- ly dependent on its mastery. The third factor contributing to Hong Kong women's committed employment strategies is the continued experience of expanding opportu- nities. The roots of this tremendous growth lie in the shift of Hong Kong's economy from rapid industrialization to a mature service phase. In particular, the expansion of govern- ment during the 1970s meant a vast wealth of new jobs in education, health care, social work, and public administration. These fields continue to grow. In addition, the financial growth of Hong Kong during the 1980s (the capitalization of Southeast Asia and Guangdong province) has meant an increase of positions in banking and business administration. Women are find- ing good jobs in all levels of the new and expanding financial institutions, ranging from accountancy to senior management. The fourth factor, and an especially impor- tant one, is the ability to arrange childcare and household help and to feel comfortable with the arrangements. In the first place, there is the accessibility of one's extended family. The tight geography of Hong Kong means that one may have parents or in-laws living close at hand to give childcare and to provide the evening meal. If this is not an option, then there is the geo- graphic accessibility of the Philippines, with its surplus of relatively well-educated female labour. Migrant domestic labour is politically acceptable in Hong Kong, and a household with two professional incomes can hire a domestic helper relatively inexpensively. Both options are acceptable to the Hong Kong social construction of mothering. Childcare in the early years is seen as the main- tenance of physical security and warmth and as the promotion of acceptable behaviour in social situations. These concerns are thought to require the mother's close monitoring and atten- tion to children still at home, but not her contin- ual physical attendance. Because of these four factors - the valuing of all economic contribution to the family, the educational pressure to succeed in a particular discipline, the knowledge that a good job is there to develop into a career, and the availabili- ty of and comfort with household help - Hong Kong women university graduates are commit- ted to career development. However, if they immigrate to Canada, they may find themselves caught up in one of two possible outcomes. These outcomes also prcxeed from their initial strategies. First of all, changes in Hong Kong female graduates' strategies are occurring. I did inter- view some women who were considering stopouts from employment, either because of changes in the social construction of mother- hood due to Western influences or because of reappraisal of earlier commitments to a line of work. Hong Kong women meet the glass ceil- ing too, and at that point they must decide whether to go to a firm which appreciates their talents or start their own business. Or they come to know themselves better after they have accomplished the "good job, good marriage, nice kids" goal and look back to the other ambi- tions they laid aside to succeed in an ever-nar- rowing channel of educational and occupational opportunity. Some return to school. Thus. Hong Kong women who are at this stage in their lives may be prepared to shift gears when they come to Canada. They may launch their own explo- rations and eventually find a second career. However, the chances appear greater that the female Hong Kong university graduate who comes to Canada will experience frustration in continuing her career development. She will find the job market much slower as Canada is experiencing a severe recession in business and government cutbacks in spending have meant fewer and fewer jobs in education, health care, and social services. Competition for publicly- advertised jobs is very intense. The frustration of a tight job market is compounded by the apparent discrimination on the basis of English usage that a number of Hong Kong immigrant women have experienced. These are often women who have completed university degrees on the strength of their use of English in highly abstract subjects, and to find themselves being eliminated from consideration for a position on the basis of an accent or a particular style of usage seems very unfair. Moreover, married women with young chil- dren find themselves facing the exact same bind as do their Canadian sisters - an inadequate range of childcare services and live-in house- hold help very difficult to find or afford. These women face, as do Canadian-educated ones, either the loss of key productive years and the chance to better their family's economic stand- ing or massive anxiety about their children. These are frustrating circumstances, indeed. Perhaps one way Hong Kong w omen may gain a sense of place in Canada is to recognize the difficulties they have now come to share with their new sisters and to work with them for the kinds of family support systems we all need. UPDATE 17 Vancouver Hong Kong Forum Society The Hong Kong Forum Society, based in Vancouver, is an organization which is just entering its third year of activities. Most of its members are people who have immigrated to Vancouver from Hong Kong and want to retain a serious interest in the territory. The stated purposes of the Society are to enhance economic, social, and cultural exchanges between Canada and Hong Kong, to promote international concern over the territory, and to sponsor open discussion on Hong Kong and its relationship with Canada. In its first year of operation the Society organized a campaign, called "Remember our Hong Kong Roots," in conjunction with the 1991 Legco elections in Hong Kong. Last year the Forum held a seminar on the potential of British Columbia for business immigrants, a public session on Bill C-86, the new immigra- tion legislation, and in July hosted students and teachers from Hong Kong Baptist College, who visited Vancouver as part of their Character Development Program. In October 1992, it also co-sponsored the Vancouver Conference on Hong Kong, one of the major events of Festival Hong Kong 92. At the Society's annual dinner, held during the Festival, the featured speakers were Hon. Emily Lau, Legco member, and Dr. Wai Ting, from Hong Kong Baptist College. Dept. of Communication. In December a seminar was held on the dispute over political reforms in Hong Kong [see below]. Among its current activities is the organization of a City Circle for City Plan, a program launched by the Vancouver Municipal Government. A new chapter of the Society is now being set up in Hong Kong by one of the former Vancouver directors. Alex Chan. The Society has recently set up an electron- ic bulletin board to discuss Hong Kong issues, the On-Line Hong Kong Forum. Contributing members of the system include the United Chinese Community Enrichment Services Society (SUCCESS), Adia Education Centre, Hong Kong Link (UK), Alliance of Hong Kong Chinese in the U.S., Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office in Toronto, and Jack Yan, an individual in Los Angeles who wants to set up a similar bulletin board there. Members responsible for management of this project are Eleanor Ng, President, Peter Wilkins, Director, Patrick Tsang of SUC- CESS, and Joanne Poon of UBC. For further information on this on-line sys- tem and the Society's activities, contact the President, Eleanor Ng, c/o Alpha Computer, Lower Mall, Harbour Centre, 555 W. Hastings, Vancouver, BC, Canada V6B 4N4 (Tel: 604-684-8146; Fax: 604-684-8128) Hong Kong Employment News A new employment and business news ser- vice for HongKong was recently started in the U.S. by Business Research Institute (BRI). The first issue of Hong Kong Employment Newswas issued in February. This bi-weekly publication contains placement news, job openings, and advertisements for Hong Kong and the sur- rounding regions. BRI also has a daily fax newsletter service, the Hong Kong Business Letter, which provides a concise, up-to-the-minute report on commer- cial and financial news from the Far East For further information on subscribing to these ser- vices, contact: Charles Mok, Business Research International, P.O. Box 3721, Santa Clara, CA, USA 95055; fax: (510) 792-2579; Internet e-mail at bri@netcom.com Seminar on Political Reform in Hong Kong Governor Patten's constitutional reforms have attracted much attention from Hong Kong immigrants in Vancouver. On December 1 2 the Vancouver Hong Kong Forum [see above] held a seminar to discuss recent economic and political developments in Hong Kong. Invited speakers, representing different points of view, included Selina Chow Liang Shuk-yee, Hong Kong Legco parlimentarian and member of the Hong Kong Cooperative Resources Centre (CRC), and Thomas In-sing Leung, Director of Chinese Studies at Regent College (UBC) in Vancouver. The meeting, attended by over 1 00 people, was chaired by Eleanor Ng, pres- ident of the Hong Kong Forum. In her more conservative speech, Mrs. Chow indicated that the CRC hoped that both China and Britain would return to the negoti- ations. She emphasized the need for a "con- vergence," or smooth transition for Hong Kong from British rule to Special byHughX.Tan Vancouver Administrative Region under China's Central Government, and declared the CRC would not support any reform proposal which is not in favour of convergence. She further reiterated that people should not lose confidence in Hong Kong because of the recent political disputes and that patience was needed to monitor the developments. Finally, she emphasized that support from overseas Chinese communities was very important for Hong Kong. In contrast. Professor Leung, who origi- nally came from Hong Kong, stressed that overseas Chinese should support the demo- cratic movement in Hong Kong since they, in particular, were free from political pressure. He also commented that the CRC, while emphasizing a smooth transition towards 1997. seemed to overlook the opinions of grassroots communities in the territory. Representing the Forum's position, Eleanor Ng, strongly supported the proposals for political reform in Hong Kong. Arguing that support of the proposals did not necessarily mean support of Governor Patten, she indicat- ed that if Deng Xiaoping raised similar pro- posals, the Hong Kong Forum would also welcome that. Speakers from the audience predominant- ly supported the prososed reforms for Hong Kong; however, one person took the opposite position that as China is the "landlord" of Hong Kong and Britain, the tenant, "a tenant should follow the rules set up by a landlord." In January and February of this year, the Hong Kong Forum recently conducted a tele- phone opinion survey in Vancouver's Chinese community, focusing on the debate over con- stitutional reforms in Hong Kong. The results revealed that the majority of those who knew about the reforms supported them. However, surprisingly, over 36% of those Chinese- Canadians surveyed, even those who recently immigrated from Hong Kong, were unin- formed about the dispute and had no opinion. 18 UPDATE On March 4. the Hong Fook Mental Health Association of Toronto presented a pro- gramme. "Passage to Canada." which featured the stories of Chinese Canadians, representing three different waves of migration - in the 1920s. 1970s and 1980s. The program con- cluded w ith a panel discussion on the implica- tions for emigration of the return of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty and the future of the territory towards 1997. Three speakers related their personal expe- riences of immigrating to Canada - Cecil Ing. Eric Yu, and Peter Bok. One arrived 70 years ago as a poor, uneducated labourer, one came as a student almost 20 years ago and slowly established his career here: and the last speaker only immigrated four years ago and has just recently found a job in his field. Two of the speakers were from Hong Kong while Mr. Ing came originally from southern China. Each related a "story" of different challenges, includ- ing racial discrimination, status dislocation and language difficulties, as well as new experi- ences and opportunities. Representing the earlier wave of Chinese immigration at the beginning of the century, 85-year old Cecil Ing explained that he came to Canada in 1923 and had to pay a $500 head tax. He arrived among the last two shipments before passage of the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923, which essentially excluded further Chinese immigration for over two decades, even for family reunification. Asked why he had left China. Mr Ing replied, "to make a better living" and that North America and Canada represented a "golden mountain." During his years in Toronto, he worked as a dishwasher in the 1920s for $ 1 2 per week, 15 hours per day and seven days per week. During the height of the Depression, he worked as a waiter for only $6 per week. It was not until 1938 that he found a better job as a waiter though "things did not get much better until after the war." When the "Passages to Canada" by Janet A. Rubinqff exclusion act was repealed in 1947. he worked hard to bring over his family from China, but it was not until 1968 that his wife and three daughters finally joined him. He now lives with his wife in an apartment for senior citizens. While Mr. Ing spoke in English, it was clear that he lacked fluency in the language even though he had lived in Canada for nearly sev- enty years. Some of the questions he was later asked by the audience also had to be translated for him into Chinese. His lack of facility with English reflects a time earlier in the century when there were few opportunities for Asian immigrants to improve their education and lan- guage skills or to integrate within the main- stream of Canadian life. As he himself explained there were no ESL classes or social service organizations in the Chinese communi- ty to help him adjust to life in Canada. As a young officer with the Royal Hong Kong Police Force. Eric Yu explained that he came to Toronto in the mid-1970s to study civil engineering. Though he felt that he had made considerable sacrifices and has had to work extremely hard to get ahead, he stressed that he is "still falling in love with this country." and that Canada has much to offer. On arriving in Toronto, he explained that his biggest problem was communication in English. To overcome his language difficulties, he watched "a lot of TV. and read local English newspapers." He also met many Canadian friends in high school and later in university who helped him integrate more successfully into Canadian society. His message to the new immigrants from Hong Kong and China is "to learn English and to communicate with the mainstream." Peter Bok. who is a social worker and a graduate of the University of Hong Kong, was the most recent immigrant of the three speak- ers. He came to Toronto in 1988 and spoke of his difficulties in finding a job and re-establish- ing his career in Canada. Experiencing the problem of status disloca- tion for main recent immigrants, he had left a good job in his field in Hong Kong to find him- self first working for $6 per hour in the ware- house of a tuxedo rental company, in order to feed his family. He lacked "Canadian experi- ence," and after much frustration finally landed a job as a data entry clerk on the night shift in a warehouse on Airport Road. He worked with several other "ladies whose typing skills were far better than my own." At the time, he men- tioned that his moral esteem had "reached a low point." To make ends meet, he also took a second job on the weekends, first as a bus boy and then as a waiter at the Prince Hotel. For three years, he worked seven days per week. Ironically, in Hong Kong part of his social work job was counselling prospective emi- grants who were leaving the territory. Asked why he had decided to immigrate himself along with his wife and two children, he declared that he was an "opportunist." With no friends or relatives in Toronto, he arrived with few contacts and not a great deal of money. Finally, a good opportunity arose and he was hired as an employment counsellor at Settlement House. Thus, it was not until recent- ly that he "could resume his career." The dinner meeting at a downtown vegetar- ian Chinese restaurant was concluded with a talk by Peter Chen on the future trends of immigration from Hong Kong and a discussion w ith all the speakers. Mr. Chen predicted that first of all many of the present astronauts in Hong Kong will return to Canada after 1997. Then immigration patterns f o Canada may change somewhat as Mainland Chinese, per- haps with less professional skills and different social backgrounds from present immigrants, come to Canada via Hong Kong. Mr. Chen felt that Canada and Hong Kong would continue to be major trading partners after 1997 and that immigration levels would remain high. Briefing on Hong Kong Budget 1993 On March 3. Hong Kong's Financial Secretary, Hamish Macleod, tabled the gov- ernment budget for 1993-94 in the Legislative Council. On the same day, the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office in Toronto held a luncheon briefing on the budget at the Royal York Hotel. Stephen Lam. director of the Office, and his colleagues Susan Luke and George Yuen presented an overview of the Hong Kong economy, business prospects, and programme of infrastructural developments. The briefing was attended by some one hundred prominent guests from government, business, professional, media, and academic circles of eastern Canada, as well as members of the Hong Kong-Canadian community. A lively period of questions and answers fol- lowed the presentation, and the discussions continued over lunch. The guests were impressed w ith the eco- nomic progress that Hong Kong has been achieving and with the scale of infrastructural and social spending. They also felt encour- aged about the prospects for Canadian partici- pation in Hong Kong's development projects. Many useful contacts were made at the meet- ing, and the Hong Kong budget was very well received in the Toronto press. UPDATE 19 Cantonese Telephone Info Service in Toronto A Cantonese-speaking telephone information service went into operation recently in Toronto. By dialing a given number on a touch-tone phone, one gains access to a wide range of taped information. One can choose to listen to local Toronto news, world news, or Hong Kong news; Canadian financial bulletins or the latest about the Hong Kong stock market; local weather forecasts; Canadian government information; advice about nutrition, health, or recreation; short stories for adults or children; or a diverse selection of consumer information. The service was probably inspired by a similar service in English offered by the Toronto Star newspaper, and appears to be unique among ethnic communities in the city. It is free to the consumer and is financed by advertising. It is supported by a monthly magazine which is distributed free in the many Hong Kong-style shopping malls of Metro Toronto. Some 2,000 advertisers were listed in the latest issue of the magazine. HK Christian Leader Visits Toronto Kwok Nai-wang, director of the Hong Kong Christian Institute, visited Toronto in mid-March as part of a North American tour. He was invited by the Canada China Programme of the Canadian Council of Churches to speak on "Hong Kong 1997: a Christian Perspective." Rev. Kwok is an ordained minister of the Church of Christ in China and has been active for many years in ecumenical and social justice work in Hong Kong. He is one of the best respected community leaders in the territory. In 1988 he resigned from his position as general secretary of the Hong Kong Christian Council, after the executive committee of the Council had consistently tried to acquiesce to the restrictive demands from the PRC on rep- resentative government, labour rights, and nuclear power in Hong Kong. Subsequently, he established the Hong Kong Christian Institute to promote education for justice, peace, and human rights. Last autumn, an ecumenical theological fellowship was formed in Hong Kong, in association with the Institute, to encourage theological, religious, and philosophical reflections and discussions on questions relat- ed to cultural heritage, faith, and democracy. The fellowship includes many members of Hong Kong's intellectual elite who happen to be Christians. DEATH DF 5ILVIH LEUNG Silvia Leung, a 22 year old student at the British Columbia Institute of Technology, was murdered on January 24 at the Burnaby campus of the college. She was struck in the shoulder by a projectile and died of blood loss. Silvia was the daughter of Lawrence Leung, director of the Hong Kong Immigration Department. The family moved to Vancouver in 1989. Since August last year the family has been plagued by acts of vandalism, which included the set- ting of two fires at their home and the burning of a family car. Vancouver police have stated that there is no connection between Mr. Leung's position in Hong Kong and the murder. The police also denied reports in Hong Kong that police had not taken action over the earlier attacks on the Leungs because they were Chinese immigrants. This denial was supported by spokesmen for both the Chinese Benevolent Association and the Vancouver Association of Chinese Canadians. No one has yet been arrested in the case. Silvia Leung had been about to embark on a singing career in Hong Kong when she was killed. The CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE is distributed free at your request. Please let us know if you would like to be on our mailing list by calling (416) 736-5784. Or write to us at the address below: Canada and Hong Kong Project JOINT CENTRE FOR ASIA PACIFIC STUDIES Suite 270, York Lanes York University 4700 Keele Street North York, Ontario CANADA M3J 1 P3 If CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE umber 10 m % a m SUMMER 1993 Hong Kong Capital Flows Into Canada by Susan Headers and Don Piltis • Oxford, U.K. According to the most cynical analysis, political uncertainly in Hong Kong is only good for the Canadian economy. The more troubled the investment climate in southern China, the more likely it is that money, some- times attached to its owner, will migrate to the safety of Canada, stimulating this country's economic growth. Without doubt the numbers, in absolute terms, are substantial. By one official estimate from the Canadian Commission in Hong Kong, as much as CDNS5 billion in Hong Kong capi- tal from all sources flowed into Canada in 1991 alone. What is harder to calculate is how much benefit Canada actually sees from that consid- erable amount of Hong Kong money. By 1992. 69 f r of the money invested in Canada under the controversial federal Immigrant Investor Program was real estate-based, capital that some critics argue creates few permanent jobs. Moreover, calculating how much Hong Kong money actually arrives and stays in Canada is not easy. The uncertainties stem in part from the way in which the government gathers statistics and. in part, from the com- plexity of the investment pattern - something Henry Yau of Investment Canada readily admitted. As he stated. 'There is really no way to estimate it because Canada does not require people to report what they are doing with their money." Government statistic-gathering methods may disguise the origin of an investment. Money brought by immigrants is one of the most important sources of Hong Kong capital entering Canada. However, because this money is brought in by someone now 'resident' in Canada, the government considers it domestic rather than foreign capital. If the capital comes from a company or person resident in Hong Kong - from the Cheong Kong empire of Li Ka-shing. for example - it shows up as 'for- eign' investment on the government's records. Even so, portions of both 'foreign' and 'domestic' Hong Kong investment can be esti- mated with some certainty, revealing that Hong Kong capital has become an important contrib- utor in the Canadian real estate, energy, ser- vices, and manufacturing sectors. Although the economic development impact of this invest- ment remains controversial, the federal govern- ment has estimated that immigrant investors - the largest number of whom came from Hong Kong - contributed about half of the CDNS3.3 Capital, cont'd page 2 Patten's Constitutional Proposals and Sino- Hong Kong Relations by Bernard Luk York University, Toronto Just as the Update was going to press last April, it was announced that the PRC and UK governments would hold talks on the electoral arrangements for Hong Kong towards 1997. Beijing's willingness to engage in diplomacy, rather than strident attacks on the British side, broke the impasse which had developed over Governor Chris Patten's proposal last October to give Hong Kong increased, but still very limited, democracy before the transfer of sovereignty. The PRC authorities insisted that any constitutional development in Hong Kong must be congruent with three previous sets of documents produced by the two sovereign powers: the Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Future of Hong Kong ratified in 1985; the Basic Law of the Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong, promulgated by the Chinese govern- ment in 1990; and exchange of secret Proposals, cont'd page 2 IN THIS ISSUE: Hong Kong Capital I Patten's Constitutional Proposals and Sino-Hong Kong Relations 1 A Matter of Passports 7 1992 Immigration Demographics 8 Anglo-Chinese Confusion 10 Hong Kong in the Chinese Press 10 Triads: Notes from Hong Kong Press 11 per F1029.5 H6 C36 Hong Kong Pop Singers 12 Is Canada Losing Hong Kong Investment? 13 Closure of Provincial Offices Abroad 14 The Multinational Entrepreneur in Shenzen SEZ 15 Seminar on Canadian Trade in Southern China and Hong Kong 16 Metro-Toronto Week in Hong Kong 17 Maintain or Reform: Dispute within CCC 17 Tommy Tao: NDP Candidate for Vancouver Quadra 19 News in Brief 20 UBC Seminar on Hong Kong 21 "City" by L. Ho 23 Basic Reference Works on Hong Kong 24 CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Editors Diana Lary Bernard Luk Janet A. Rubinoff Illustration & IMSCreali\e Design Communications Contributors Susan Henders Paul Levine Sonny Lo Christina Mungan Don Pittis Hugh X. Tan Ciimula and Hong Kong Update is published 3-4 times a year by the Canada and Hong Kong Project Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, Suite 270. York Lanes, York I niversity, 4700 Keele St., North York, Ontario, CANADA M3J 1P3 Telephone: (416)736-5784 Fax:(416)736-5688 Opinions expressed in this newsjournal are those of the author alone. CANADA AND HONG KONG PROJECT Co-Directors Diana Lary Bernard Luk Coordinator Janet A. Rubinoff Advisory Board David Bond Mary Catherine Boyd Denise Chong Maurice Copithome B. Michael Frolic John Higginbotham Jules Nadeau William Saywell Wang Gungwu Articles may he reprinted in whole or in part with appropriate credit to the Canada and Hong Kong Update. We want to thank the Donner Canadian Foundation for its very generous support which has made this project possible. The Foundation's long-standing interest in Canada's international relations with Asia has enabled us to conduct research which we consider to be of great significance for the future of the country. This publication is free. Please call or write to us for past or future issues. Capital, cont'd from page 1 billion in new venture capital available to Canada in 1989. Hong Kong investment has received more than its share of publicity because of its links with the hand-over of Hong Kong to China in 1997 and with the migration of many of the territory's skilled and wealthy citizens to Canada. However, its overall contribution is overshadowed by the largest players. The United States, Europe, and Japan are Canada's major sources of foreign capital. Still, Hong Kong capital is second only to that of Japan as a proportion of growing Asian investment in Canada. According to one estimate. East Asia has accounted for about one-fifth of Canada's capital requirements since the mid-1980s. Although the exact overall size of Hong Kong capital flows into Canada remains elu- sive, various federal government sources reveal the outline of its components. Hong Kong Foreign Investment This category includes both direct and indi- rect investment made in Canada by Hong Kong residents. Direct investments (see Table 1 ) are those which give Hong Kong residents influ- ence in the management of an enterprise, usu- ally based on ownership of at least 10% of the company's equity. At CDNS137 billion from all world sources in 1991, direct investment is second only to bonds as the largest form of for- eign investment in Canada. [All subsequent figures are in Canadian dollars.] Hong Kong's direct investment in Canada grew from $8 million in 1961 to $19 million in 1971, $87 million in 1981, and $2,306 billion in 1991 . As these figures exclude capital from other foreign or domestic sources used to lever- age the investment, they do not reflect the total book value of Hong Kong-controlled assets in Canada, which would likely be several times greater. For example, in 1987. the last year Statistics Canada kept track of such figures. Hong Kong direct investment in Canada was recorded as $619 million. [This figure has since been revised. Thus, the total is different from the total for 1987 which appears in Table 1.] The total assets of Hong Kong-controlled direct investments in Canada was much higher, estimated at S2.3 14 billion. At the end of 1991. the Pacific Rim accounted for $9,217 billion in direct invest- ment in Canada, nearly 79r of the total from all countries and more than double its share of the total in the mid-1980s. Japan and Hong Kong were Canada's largest direct investors from the region, investing $5,345 billion and $2,306 bil- lion, respectively, at 1991 year end. Hong Kong's total accounted for nearly 2% of all for- eign direct investment in Canada, up form a Proposals, cont'd from page 1 diplomatic notes during 1988-90 between the two governments. Beijing was insistent that Patten's proposals infringed on these docu- ments but refused to be specific about where the infringements were. The UK government was equally insistent that the proposals did not infringe on any pre- vious agreement or promulgation, but only filled in the gaps in accordance with the spirit of the Joint Declaration. Governor Patten indicated from the beginning that he was pre- pared to negotiate on specific provisions, but that the outcome of any negotiation must pro- vide for fair elections and be acceptable to the people of Hong Kong. Sino-British Talks The talks have been held in Beijing between the Chinese vice-foreign minister, Mr Jiang Enzhu. and the British ambassador, Sir Robin MacLaren. Beijing would not rec- ognize ethnic Chinese officials of the Hong Kong government as members of the British delegation, so formally each side is represent- ed only by its leading member, while other officials on either side are technically special- ists/advisers. Beijing did not want the press to cover the negotiations but relented after protests from the Hong Kong media. Nevertheless, there was confusion at the opening of the first round in April, when reporters were denied the customary photo opportunity in the meet- ing room and were not permitted to observe the seating arrangements on the two sides of the table. Afterwards, the restrictions were relaxed a little, and reporters have been allowed a few minutes in the meeting room at the beginning of each session. (Team leaders and their specialists/advisers sit together at the table.) It was agreed by the two sides before the talks that there would not be any press com- muniques after each round. Indeed, neither side would divulge what had been discussed, except for platitudes like "some progress has been made." The Hong Kong community (including its Legislative Council), not for the first time, has been kept in the dark by its sovereign masters about what is being 2 UPDATE mere 0.2' < in the mid-1980s. Its share was still only a drop compared to the SN3.S billion (61* i ) held b) US investors and $36.5 billion ( nearly 27' < I held hv European investors in 1991. Hong Kong direct investment is especial- ly strong in real estate, particularly the hotel industry', oil and gas. and manufacturing, where important investments have been made in tex- tiles and electronics, according to government sources. Direct investment includes contributions by Hong kong residents to incorporated real estate, such as hotels or larger commercial property. It does not include foreign invest- ments in unincorporated or privately held real estate, where Hong Kong-resident investors also played a significant role. At the end of 1 99 1 . foreign investors had con- tributed S4.3 billion to privately held real estate in Canada. Approximately S2.6 bil- lion, or nearly 61% of the total, came from Hong Kong-resident investors, according to Frank Chow of Statistics Canada. Bank financing and other leveraging would reveal the total book value of Hong Kong contribu- tions in unincorporated real estate as several times higher. Real estate investments by Hong Kong immigrants would push the total hieher still. Table 1: Hong Kong Direct Investment In Canada (in millions of dollars) Year Total Year Total 1960 - 1976 41 1961 8 1977 54 1962 8 1978 64 196? 8 1979 49 1964 9 1980 51 1965 10 1981 87 1966 9 1982 117 1967 10 1983 137 1968 15 1984 168 1969 18 1985 170 1970 20 1986 426 1971 19 1987 631 1972 26 1988 1(X)7 1973 25 1989 1100 1974 18 1990 1309 1975 34 1991 2306 Sow i Statistics Canada Portfolio investments - those which do not give the buyer a management role in the com- pany - make up a second major category of foreign Hong Kong capital in Canada. Known as indirect investments, the category includes purchases of equities below the 10% threshold and investments, such as public and private sec- tor bonds, debentures, long-term notes, and such money market instruments as Govern- ment of Canada treasury bills and Canada bills. Exact figures for Hong Kong indirect investments arc unavailable because of Statistics Canada reporting methods and because Canadian issuers are sometimes unable to identify the ultimate foreign owners. As Frank Chow indicated. Hong Kong resident investors are relatively small players in a field overwhelmingly dominated by investors who reside in the L'S. Japan, the L'nited Kingdom, and other European Community countries. Only about $15.2 billion (6«H I of all foreign non-direct purchases of stocks and bonds are held by investors outside these regions. Hong Kong holdings are a part of this total, but no one knows how much. Excluding these indirect investments, the government estimates that Hong Kong-resident investors accounted for S4.9 billion in direct investment and unincorporated real estate hold- ings in Canada at the end of 1 99 1 . Hong Kong Immigrant-Source Capital 'Domestic' Hong Kong investment is made up of the capital Hong Kong immigrants - whom Statistics Canada categorizes as Canadian residents - bring with them when they come to Canada and invest in that country Capital conl'd page 4 planned for it. Nevertheless, the community as a whole is relieved at the suspension of the fireworks from PRC officials which predomi- nated during the winter and early spring. Effects on Hang Seng Index Meanw hile. the stock market took heart from the fact that the two sovereign powers are at least talking to each other, and the Hang Seng Index resumed its interrupted climb. It had stood at about 4800 at the begin- ning of 1992. It rose steadily through the year and continued to climb last October after Patten first made his constitutional proposals, reaching a peak of nearly 6500. When Beijing began its diatribes and indicated it might not honour contracts awarded by the Hong Kong government, the index dropped below 5000 in December. The rise resumed after the new : year and was at about 6800 when the talks began in April, reaching a new peak of above 7500 towards the end of May. By any standards the rise of the Hang Seng Index during the past one and half years, despite the temporary setbacks, has been spectacular. It was helped, inter alia, by US President Clinton's decision in late May to renew 5 the Most Favoured Nation treatment for the PRC, unconditionally for another year. (Governor Patten, on his visit to the White House and Congress in May. pleaded w ith American politicians not to impose trade restrictions on China.) The exuberant business atmosphere contrasts sharply w ith the social and political sense of helplessness and gloom. Other Sino-British Contacts The constitutional negotiators met in Beijing for seven rounds between April and June, and could not come to any conclusions. However, those meetings made it possible for other Sino-British talks to take place. The joint committee on the new airport scheme resumed its work after a break of half a year and reached agreement in late June on one of the major projects of the scheme, the Western Harbour Crossing. The rail and road tunnel is estimated to cost HKS7.6 bil- lion (CDNS1.3 billion). The committee awarded the buildins contract, with a thirtv- year monopoly, to a consortium made up of PRC state-owned enterprises (about 60Ti ) and Hong Kong capitalists. The proposed contract contains some unusual features. For instance, the permitted rate of return (18.5%) of the Western Crossing will be much higher than with the existing tunnels and other utili- ties. It will also have the unprecedented right to raise its tolls automatically once its profits fall below a certain percentage. The Joint Liaison Group, which is the ambassadorial committee stipulated in the Joint Declaration to work on the diplomatic details necessitated by the 1997 transfer, also met again in June after a hiatus of several months. However, the atmosphere w as strained throughout its three-day meeting, and the two sides could not agree on any major issue, such as the conversion to civilian use of certain lands in Hong Kong now occupied by the British military and the award of the con- tract for Container Terminal No. 9 (the dis- pute over which brought a sharp fail of the Hang Seng Index last winter). Proposals, cont'd page 4 UPDATE 3 Capital, cont'd from page 3 as part of immigration requirements. The bulk of the money comes from business immigrants, who include: 1 ) entrepreneurs, or people with business expertise and capital who buy or establish a business which they must manage and which must create at least one job for Canadians; 2) investors, who are admitted under the Immigrant Investor Program, must have a personal net worth of $500,000-700,000 and, invest for five years $250,000-350,000 in an approved business syndicate or a private or provincial government-administered venture capital fund; 3) and self-employed individuals, who must establish or buy a business in Canada which creates employment for themselves and contributes to Canada's economic, cultural, or artistic life. Money invested to fulfil the immigration visa requirements under the Immigrant Investor Program (HP) is the only portion of this immi- grant capital which can be quantified with any certainty. Unlike other investments, those made under the IIP are locked in for five years. Since the program's inception in 1986, Hong Kong immigrants have contributed approximately 40% of the nearly $2 billion subscribed under the IIP by the end of last year, according to Guy Pilote of the Business Immigration Branch, now part of the new Ministry of Public Security. Southeast Asia is Canada's major source of immigrant investors, with Hong Kong accounting for 45.2% and Taiwan for 42.3% of all IIP participants in 1992. The government estimates that the pro- gram had created direct employment in excess of 10,000 jobs by mid-1991. Despite the accomplishments of this 'cash-for- visa' program, the IIP has recently come under attack from Canadian critics and some immi- grant investors, who accuse the government of lax management and some private fund pro- moters of misrepresentation and even fraud. The Manitoba government has withdrawn from the program and turned the allegations over to its Crown prosecutors. Other provincial gov- ernments have said they are reviewing their role. Critics note that jobs created under the UP have largely been in construction and the low- wage service sector, raising questions about the long-term benefits for the Canadian economy. The federal government, which recently ini- tiated regulatory reforms to tighten up the pro- gram, has also admitted the IIP is in trouble. In 1992, a report from the federal Ministerial Task Force on the Immigrant Investor Program was leaked to the media and stated that Canada would lose billions of dollars and its reputation as a good place to invest if the program were not significantly reformed. The report conclud- ed that "[A] good number of [IIP] investments are of questionable value." and far too many were in real estate. "[R]eal estate investments do not normally create a substantial number of permanent jobs," and "most real estate projects can be financed through conventional sources." Therefore, more effort should be made "to ensure that funds are better targeted to job cre- ating sectors of our economy." The Task Force report also accused the pro- gram of neglecting the human capital side of economic development, paying too much atten- tion to applicants' money and not enough to their business acumen, skills, and experience. It warned. "Although important, financial consid- erations alone should not form the basis for selection of an investor applicant. Without the business expertise factor, it is quite probable that one would see the advent of revolving funds aimed solely at equipping unqualified Capital, cont'd on page 6 Proposals, cont'd from page 3 It could only concur on relatively minor issues, such as bilateral investment protec- tion agreements between Hong Kong and Australia and Sweden. Many urgent prob- lems remain outstanding. These include some one hundred multilateral agreements to which Hong Kong has adhered as a British Dependent Territory and which would require Si no-British concurrence for Hong Kong to participate beyond 1997 on its own. There are also many bilateral agree- ments between Hong Kong and other coun- tries which require the blessing of the two sovereign powers. The Joint Liaison Group adjourned without fixing a date for its next round, and the two sides accused each other of insincerity and delaying tactics. HK-PRC Economic Links In the mean time, the economic connec- tions between Hong Kong and the PRC con- tinued to multiply, and the erratic behaviour of the Mainland economy has become the focus of concern. For the past few years. Communist Party cadre-capitalists have been investing heavily in the Hong Kong stock and housing markets and have been encouraging Hong Kong capital to invest on the Mainland. Some observers have expressed the concern about these two-way investments involving PRC officials or their family members. Last winter, there were allegations that the Hong Kong and Macau Office of the State Council (the PRC cabinet-level agency in charge of Hong Kong affairs) was engaged in joint ventures with capitalists who were privi- leged with insider information about the tim- ing of Beijing's diatribes against Patten, and were enabled to play the stock market with advantage. Such allegations were promptly denied by Lu Ping, director of the Office. More to the point is the monetary crisis in China. The rapid economic expansion there during the past few years has generated intense inflationary pressures. The lack of healthy financial structures and the ability of cadre-capitalists to use political/administra- tive maneuvers to bypass many government regulations, resulted in loss of control over the currency, the renminbi. The renminbi depreciated against the US dollar by some 20% within ten days. Part and parcel of the problem was that the renminbi, not a hard currency, has several different exchange rates: an official rate, different rates at each of sev- eral official currency clearinghouses (swap markets) in various parts of the country, and black market rates as well. The sharp downturn of the renminbi has been watched with grave concern in Hong Kong. In addition to trade between the two territories in goods and services, some of which is denominated in renminbi, there are other financial dealings which could be affected. In the Hong Kong stock market, the share prices of many of the so-called China-concept companies and of empty- shell Hong Kong registered companies bought by Mainland firms for trading in Hong Kong, fell sharply. PRC state-owned enterprises, such as Tsingtao Beer and Shanghai Petrochemicals, which became listed in the Hong Kong Stock Exchange after many months of preparation, did not do as well there as expected, even though their shares were still oversubscribed. Visits by Mainland tourists to Hong Kong, which numbered over a million in 1992, are pro- jected not to increase quite as rapidly as before the depreciation. By early July, the PRC authorities were taking steps to halt the depreciation. The gov- ernor of the People's Bank was dismissed, replaced by Deputy Premier Zhu Rongji (who 4 UPDATE just returned from a tour of Canada, where he was \er\ well received bj the Toronto and Vancouver business community). Government intervention, with a combination of monetary and administrative measures. brought up the exchange rale sharply, hi Hong Kong, the sense of uncertainty has not been dispelled. While there is a consensus that a proper re-structuring of the financial system in the PRC would be good in the long term for both China and Hong Kong, there are no clear signals that this is taking place, or how far the retrenchment would go. In the short run. the fairly violent downs and ups of the renminbi have the immediate effect of withdrawing, for political/administrative rea- sons, a good deal of cadre-capitalist money from the Hong Kong market. In addition to the economic uncertainty, there have been reports of a number of small scale protests or rampages by hard pressed peasants in different parts of China. These were forcefully suppressed by the authorities. The peasants had been paid promissory notes rather than cash by government purchasing agents and could not make ends meet. By early July, peasant rioting had been reported in eleven provinces in China. The widening gap between the haves and the have-nots in China is common knowledge in Hong Kong and could not but give rise to a sense of fore- boding. The euphoria about the China market has been dampened, and the Index has been fluctuating between 6700 and 7000 in recent weeks. It also remains very sensitive to news about the various Sino-British negotiations over Hong Kong's economic, political, and legal development. Sino-British Trade Expansion In spite of all the diplomatic difficulties between Beijing and London, trade between the two sovereign powers continued to grow, expanding by some 70% during the year since Patten became governor. In June, top officials of the Jardine Group visited China and returned with optimistic news. The largest British commercial firm based in Hong Kong (now with its legal headquarters in Bermuda), Jardines had came under vehe- ment attack from the PRC last winter for sup- porting Patten's constitutional proposals. Lack of Progress in Talks Meanwhile, the government and public in Hong Kong have become increasing impa- tient with the lack of progress in the Beijing constitutional talks. As the legislative year draws to a close and time is running short to prepare for the Legislative Council and local elections in 1444 and 1995, decisions will have to be made very soon about Patten's pro- posals on expanding the franchise and con- stituencies of those elections. In the latter part of June, it was learned that one of the main impediments in the talks has been the idea of the "through train" — the desire in Hong Kong that legislators elected in 1995 would be allowed to straddle the transfer of sovereignty and serve till 1999 — and the wish in Beijing not to have certain pro-democracy leaders sil in the Hong Kong legislature after 1997. It seemed that the two sides had spent se\ en rounds debating generalities, and the PRC team would not make counter-proposals to Patten's plan. At the end of June. Governor Patten flew to London with Hong Kong officials who have attended the Beijing talks, for consulta- tions with the British cabinet. After the meet- ings, the British government re-affirmed its support for Patten's proposals and for the strategy of the British side in the Beijing negotiations. However, it was later announced, on very short notice, that Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd would go to Beijing after the G7 summit in Tokyo, to meet with his Chinese counterpart. Qian Qichen. in the hope of facilitating the talks. Opinion was divided in Hong Kong on whether Hurd was going to make major concessions. So far. this has not turned out to be the case. The two for- eign ministers apparently have agreed to focus future constitutional talks on the issues of the "through train." the functional con- stituencies, and the electoral committee. This, together with the reported willingness of the PRC delegation finally to make concrete counter-proposals, gave rise to some opti- mism about the talks. However, the eighth round, held in July, still produced no concrete results, and hopes are now pinned on the ninth round. Patten had more consultations with Hurd and indicated that, even if the negotiators in Beijing should still fail to come to any conclusions, he would have to make decisions about the 1994 and 1995 elections when he delivers his second annual policy address in the autumn. Role of HK Pro-Democracy Groups Throughout the past three months since publication of the last Update, pro-democracy groups in Hong Kong, especially the United Democrats of Hong Kong (UDHK), have generally kept a low- profile in facing attacks from the PRC. A few junior members of the UDHK have defected to other pro-democracy groups which have been less ostracized by Beijing Some leaders of these othet are wooed by PRC officials as possible coun- terweights to the UDHK. The UDHK as a whole has held linn and has retained its posi- tion as the most popular Hong Kong political party in a number of opinion polls conducted by the mass media. Interestingly, in another poll of secondary school pupils in a working class district. Patten was rated the most popu- lar political figure, followed by pro-democra- cy legislators. Emily Lau and Martin Lee. The teenagers rated PRC official Lu Ping the most unpopular, followed by Maria Tarn (a former member of the Executive and Legislative Councils under Governor Wilson. who left the Councils after a conflict of inter- ests scandal). Patten was also given third place! The Legislative Council is now debating the terms of the Western Harbour Crossing contract. Councillors across the political spectrum are unhappy about what they con- sider to be too favourable terms for the investors at the expense of the public. On its part, the consortium awarded the proposed contract would not accept any change in the terms already agreed to by the two sovereign powers. In Beijing, the Committee estab- lished by the PRC government to prepare for the Organizing Committee [see B. Luk. "'Update on Governor Patten's Policy Address." Canada and Hong Kong Update, no. 9. Spring 1993. p.3.] met for the first time under the chairmanship of Foreign Minister Qian Qichen. Mainland and Hong Kong members were all appointed by the PRC gov- ernment. A member of the committee promptly began to attack Martin Lee and other pro-democracy legislators as unpatriotic and unfit for the "through train." At the same time. Hong Kong's Financial Secretary announced in Legco that the Exchange Fund of Hong Kong now stood at HKS287 billion (CDNS48 billion), taking the territory from twelfth to tenth place in the world. Simultaneously, the Independent Commission Against Corruption reported on widespread anxiety in the community about an increase of corruption in public and private concerns towards 1997 and beyond. As the Update goes to press, a new round of talks on electoral arrangements is being held in mid-August, amidst threats from cer- tain PRC officials to take over Hong Kong before 1 997. The stock market apparently disregarded the threats. UPDATE 5 Capital, cont'd from page 4 applicants with the capital necessary to pass themselves off as qualified business persons." Despite these problems, investment capital entering Canada through the program has been especially important in poorer provinces, where it is the largest pool of venture capital available. The overwhelming majority of immigrant investors - 92% - still choose to live in British Columbia, Ontario, and Quebec when they land in Canada. However, the Atlantic provinces, Saskatchewan, and Alberta were able to attract just less than half of the nearly $2 billion in sub- scriptions made under the program between 1986 and March 1993 (see Table 2). Table 2: Distribution of Funds Subscribed Under the Immigrant Investor Program, Jan. 1, 1986 to March 31, 1993 Province Total (%) Quebec 28.0 . Saskatchewan 19.6 British Columbia 13.1 Manitoba 9/> Nova Scotia 7.9 Prince Edward Island 6.0 Ontario 5.5 New Brunswick 3.9 Alberta 3.6 Newfoundland 2.4 Northwest Territories 0.2 Yukon 0.0 Sonne: Employment anj other means. but have resided legally in the territory for more than se\en years and do not hold any national passport. Permanent residents enjoy right of abode and other civil and political rights of citizenship within the territory of Hong Kong. There are more than a million CI holders, mostly ethnic Chinese residents of Hong Kong who prefer not to travel with passports issued by the Mainland or Taiwan authorities. In international law. the CI is considered a "statelessness" document; but in fact it is widely recognized around the world as something like the American "green card" from Hong Kong, although visas are required for travel to most countries. Again, there is a Document of Identity (DI), issued by the Hong Kong government, usually to immigrants from the PRC who needed to travel overseas before they had attained the status of permanent residents of the territory. Holders of the CI and DI are not affected by the policy on BNO passports. According to the Joint Declaration, after 1997 Hong Kong people could travel with passports issued by the PRC authorities or by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region authorities. However, no details of proposed arrangements have been published so far. Meanwhile, ethnic Chinese from Hong Kong can apply for passports for international travel from either the Mainland or Taiwan authorities (or both), and some people have done so. Taiwan recognizes dual nationality, while the PRC does not. The legal issues could be tricky, and most people prefer not to involve themselves. In any case, the PRC considers all Hong Kong people always to have been its citizens and does not recognize the BDTC. On both sides of the Taiwan Straits, the authorities issue passport- 1 ike identity documents for multiple entry, that permit Hong Kong people to "return to the Fatherland" under their respective control. All this multiplicity of passports and cer- tificates underline the complexity and pathos of the political situation in which Hong Kong people find themselves. UPDATE 7 1992 Hong Kong Immigrants Landed in Canada: Demographics by Diana Lury UBC, Vancouver The 1992 numbers for immigrants from Hong Kong landed in Canada showed a major jump from the figures the year before. The 1992 figure of 38.841 represented an increase of 74% over the 1991 figure of 22.329. and a 34% increase over the 28.949 figure for 1990. [The present figures date from June 1993. Figures published in the last Update were run in February 1993. The increase between February and June comes about because figures are still being col- lected at the beginning of the year.] The changes in demographic characteristics are less dramatic than the change in overall numbers. The male:female ratio has hardly changed over the past five years, nor has the marital status of immi- grants. The gradual rise in age of the immigrant group has continued. The downward trend in knowledge of official languages has continued, as has the decline in levels of educational achievement. Levels of lan- guage and educational attainment vary considerably by class of immi- grant, with the highest levels associated with the independent class. Low levels are associated with the business classes (investor, entrepreneur and self-employed). These are also the classes in which the ratio of workers to non-workers is highest, i.e. the principal immigrants are accompanied by the largest number of non-working dependents. Male/Female ratio The male/female ratio in 1992 continued to favour women. It declined slightly from the 1991 ratio of 53:47 (womemmen). to 52:48, still higher than the 1 990 ratio of 5 1 :49. Total Male Female 8 11.142 9 9.396 14.154 1 10.505 2 18,785 12.139 10.465 14,790 11,824 20.056 23.281 19,861 28.949 22,329 38,841 Marital status The proportion of married people in the Hong Kong immigrant group landed in 1992 declined very slightly to 47% of the group, from 49% the year before. 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 Single Married Widowed Divorced Separated 10914 11645 503 168 51 9603 9656 437 118 47 14269 13837 613 177 53 10227 10745 1154 140 63 18511 18387 1629 231 83 Total 23281 19861 28949 22329 38841 Ages The trend towards older immigrants from Hong Kong has contin- ued. In 1988, only 15% of new immigrants were over 45: by 1992 this proportion had more than doubled, to 32% . The age range of immi- grants landed in 1992 showed a continued decline in the proportion of people in the optimum ages for entering the labour market, that is from 25 to 44. The proportion fell again to 41% from 44% in 1991 : in 1988 the proportion was 50%. in 1989 48%, and in 1990 49%. The propor- tion of children (0-14) showed a small decline in 1992. at 13.8% as opposed to 14.4% in 1991. These are sharp declines from the 22' - in 1988. 20% in 1989, and 22% in 1990. The proportion of young people (15-24) has remained stable: in 1992 it grew slightly, at 14%. as against 13% in 1991, 12% in 1990. 14% in 1989 and 12% in 1988. The number of middle-aged people ( 45-64 ) continued to rise: at 2 1 % the figure was an increase over the 19% figure for 1991, which in turn was well above those of 13% for the 1988 intake, 14% for 1989, and 12% for 1990. The increase in the proportion of people over 65 continued: 10% of those landed in 1992 were in this category, as opposed to 3% in 1988 and 1989. to 4% in 1990, and to 10% in 1991. The retired category no longer exists, so that the only people now coming in under this category are those who applied before it was abolished. Year 0-14 15-24 25-44 45-64 65+ Total 1988 5126 2825 11686 2911 733 23281 1989 4132 2769 9532 2723 705 19861 1990 6478 3432 14303 3565 1171 28949 1991 3225 2891 9789 4242 2182 22329 1992 5378 5525 15880 8171 3842 38841 Language abilities Over half of Hong Kong immigrants who landed in 1988 and 1989 spoke English; in 1990 the figure dipped slightly, to 49%. and in 1991 continued to drop, to 48%. It declined again in 1992 to 45%. The decline in French speakers (unilingual or bilingual) has been checked. The 1992 figure, at 0.38%, is an improvement on the 0.27% figure for 1991. though it is still below earlier figures: 0.63% in 1988 and 0.51% in 1989. Lang. English French Bilingual Mother tongue 1988 13076 56% 1989 10233 52% 1990 14297 49% 1991 10675 48% 1992 17561 45% 56 0.24% 26 0.13% 8 0.03% 16 0.07% 35 0.09% 410.39% 10058 43% 75 0.38% 9527 48% 98 0.34% 14543 50% 46 0.20% 1159152% 115 0.29% 21115 54'/, Levels of official language knowledge vary considerably from class to class, with the lowest level associated with two of the three business classes. Official language Mother tongue only Independent Assisted relatives Retired Self-employed Family Investors Entrepreneurs Refugees 2411 66% 2413 60% 2188 59% 371 53% 6331 45% 1524 34% 2461 30% 12 29% 1268 34% 1603 40% 1499 41% 322 47% 7891 55% 2899 66% 5604 70% 29 71% 8 UPDATE Educational levels The educational qualifications of immigrants from Hong Kong have been declining steadily over the past five years. In 1988 59% of immi- grants had secondary school graduation or less, in 1989 64%. in 1990 66%, and in 1991 69%. In 1992 the comparable figure was 73% . Since this decline has occurred in parallel with a decline in the number of children (see above), these figures cannot be explained by pointing to children who are not old enough to have received much in the way of education, but must indicate declines in the educational level of adults. At the highest levels of education, a steady decline in proportion (though not in absolute numbers) is also apparent. The number of uni- versal graduates was 3597 (15%) in 1988, 2340 (12%) in 1989, 3358 (12%'ifn 1990, 2492 (11%) in 1991. and 3697 (10%) in 1992. 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 None 2660 2031 3423 2430 3778 (11%) (10%) (12%) (11%) (10%) Secondary or less 11063 10672 15723 12902 24355 (48%) (54%) (54%) (58%) (63%) Trade certificate 3282 2527 3311 1809 2612 (14%) (13%) (11%) (8%) (7%) Non-universitv 1974 1458 1897 1351 2162 (9%) (7%) (6%) (6%) (6%) Univ. non-degree 703 822 986 1049 1792 (4%) (4%) (3%) (5%) (5%) B.A. 2665 1740 2540 1943 2901 (12%) (9%) (9%) (9%) (8%) Some post-graduate 192 123 168 75 154 (0.8%) (0.6%) (0.6%) (0.3%) (0.4%) M.A. 702 445 610 431 567 (3%) (2%) (2%) (2%) (1.5%) Ph.D. 38 32 40 43 75 (0.16%) (0.16%) (0.14%) (0.19%) (0.19%) Not stated 2 1 224 296 445 Total 23281 19861 28922 22392 38841 When the figures are broken down by immigration class, it becomes apparent that there is a considerable range in educational levels. While 16% of retired people are university graduates, only 3% of entrepreneurs are. Education bv Secondary University Total Immigration Class or less graduates Retired 2094 (57%) 601 (16%) 3687 Independent 2202 (60%) 636 (T\ 1 3683 Assisted rel. 2748 (68%) 476 (12%) 4018 Family 10233 (72%) 1372 (10%) 14223 Self-employed 520 (75%) 46 (7%) 695 Investors 3482 (79%) 321 (7%) 4425 Refugees 33 (80%) 2 (5%) 41 Entrepreneurs 6841 (85%) 248 (3%) 8069 Occupation In 1990, about half of all immigrants from Hong Kong were des- tined for the work force. In 1991 that figure went down to 46% and in 1992 to 45%. Of those entering Canada in 1992. 55% were classified as non-workers, that is they were not expecting to look for work in Canada. Of those who were going into the workforce. 59% were not classified tin a specific job. as opposed to 55'i in 1991 and 39' i in 1990. Occupatioon 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 Entrepreneur 1087 1276 1030 907 2033 Investors 533 582 1030 Managerial 2876 1696 2189 705 1014 Sci., engineering 1170 493 613 358 479 Soc. Science 283 131 213 65 87 Religion 19 22 19 24 35 Teaching 148 95 95 52 43 Medicine & health 335 215 294 178 247 Arts 275 242 269 132 130 Sports & recreation 4 -) 4 2 3 Clerical 2604 1872 1280 520 667 Sales 912 632 895 352 361 Service 325 344 379 329 409 Farming 8 4 7 4 4 Fishing, hunting 7 Forestry 1 Minin° 1 1 Processing 20 21 29 5 41 Machining 27 23 55 25 58 Fabricating 361 250 493 190 213 Construction 49 58 166 63 48 Transport 31 18 19 13 15 Material handline 23 11 3 4 3 Other crafts 53 55 170 69 56 New workers 1013 1994 Not classified 5742 5636 10309 Not stated 32 1 24 Total workers 14540 10230 17331 Non-workers 14409 12099 21510 Other 11650 10407 Total 23281 19861 28949 22329 38841 The rate of anticipated work force participation varied considerably according to immigrant class. With the exception of the retired and investor classes, non-workers are likely to be the direct dependents of the principal immigrant: Workers and non-workers Worker Non-worker Total Independent 2142 58', 1541 42% 3683 Assisted rel. 2135 5391 1883 47'i 4018 Family 6907 49% 7316 51% 14223 Refugees 20 49% 21 51% 41 Self-employed 308 44% 387 56% 695 Entrepreneur 3163 39% 4906 61% 8069 Investor 1621 2804 63% 4425 Retired 1035 28% 2652 72% 3687 Total 17331 21510 38841 We should like to thank Employment and Immigration Canada, for making these statistics available to us. UPDATE 9 A spring flood of articles about "the Hong Kong question" in China's newspapers dried to a trickle by early June for a number of rea- sons. Once talks between the British and Chinese governments resumed in Beijing on April 22, generally the People 's Daily and the China Daily toned down their scathing attacks on Hong Kong Governor. Chris Patten, and instead simply reported the date each round of talks began. In early June, the China Daily approvingly quoted Elsie Tu. deputy president of Hong Kong's Legislative Council (Legco), as calling for "a time of silence" and "an end to megaphone diplomacy" during the Sino- British talks. Hong Kong in the Chinese Press by Christina Mungan Beijing As if following Tu's advice, the Chinese papers gave no information at all about any progress made during the talks, probably partly because little progress seemed to be made. A prominent front-page article, noting the start of round six [China Daily, 17June 1993. p. 1]. quoted major Hong Kong newspapers as expecting "an early agreement" but noticeably failed to quote any Chinese source in support of that hope. The silence extended to Sino-Briush talks on the Hong Kong airport financing plan. Talks were scheduled to resume June 4. but by the middle of the month no further information had been published. Even actions that could have been expected to raise tensions failed to dominate the news in China. Patten's publication of draft plans for the 1 994-95 legislative election drew a pro- forma blast from Chinese officials, but gar- nered nothing like the flurry of attacks the mere suggestion that he might publish had brought down two months earlier. When Legco later endorsed the boundary and election commis- sion bill in late May. a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman professed himself "sur- prised" but otherwise made little comment pub- licly. When the National People's Congress closed in March, it set up a committee "to start preparations for 1997." its vague mandate lead- Press, cont'd page 1 1 An Anglo-Chinese Confusion The present dispute between China and Britain is not the first occasion that Britain and China have had deep and bitter divisions over policy towards Hong Kong. In the late 1850s. after a fairly calm period of adjustment follow- ing the end of the Opium War in 1 842. a seri- ous conflict erupted, which eventually escalat- ed into war. The war came to be know n as the Arrow War because it started with a dispute over a lorca (a small boat) named the Arrow, a Chinese owned and operated vessel trading between Hong Kong and Canton, with a cer- tificate of registration in Hong Kong. When the boat was boarded by Chinese maritime authorities, the British leapt to its defense, even though its certificate of registration had expired, because there was a feeling that the local authorities needed to be 'taught a lesson.' The protagonists were the British consul in Canton. Harry Parkes. then twenty-nine years old but with fourteen years experience in China; the radical governor of Hong Kong, Sir John Bow ring 1 ; and the viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi, Ye Mingzhen (Yeh Ming-chen). The British demands for 'satisfaction' from the Chinese authorities precipitated a crisis. As the affair escalated, the tiny British community in Hong Kong was spooked by the poisoned bread affair of January 1857. in which much of the community suffered ill effects from bread laced (not accidentally) with arsenic. When the news of the crisis reached London, there was a furious debate in Parliament, which ended w ith the fall of Palmerston's government, defeated by a coali- tion which claimed that Bowling had caused great and deliberate offense to the Chinese. In the election of 1 857 Palmerston's government was re-elected but took its initial defeat seri- ously enough to send out to China a special envoy. Lord Elgin, to supersede Bowring. Elgin was the son of Elgin of the Elgin Marbles, the man who acquired for the British Museum one of its most spectacular foreign "acquisitions." Elgin was only in his mid-lOs. but had already served as governor-general of Canada. His time in Canada is remembered less for any particular achievements than for the street, county, and hotel named after him. Lord Elgin's mandate was to settle out- standing issues w ith the Chinese, which he did w ith apparent success in 1 858 with the agree- ment for a new treaty, the Treaty of Tientsin. Two years later, however. Elgin was back in China, with a large joint British/French expe- ditionary force. The attempt in 1 859 by the first British ambassador. Elgin's brother. Frederick Bruce, to bludgeon Peking into allowing him to take up residence in Peking, had ended with the armed repulsion of Bruce and his party. The 1860 expeditionary force was mounted to impress the Chinese authori- ties with the seriousness the two countries attached to having representation in Peking. The British and French troops were staged near Hong Kong, on the peninsula of Kowloon. rented from the local Chinese authorities for the sum of £ 1 60 per annum. - In the summer of 1 860. the expeditionary force reached the outskirts of Peking, forcing the emperor to flee into the interior. The glittering summer palace, the Yuan Ming Yuan, was looted and then, on Elgin's specific instruc- tions, bumed as a punishment to the emperor. A great area of palaces and temples was reduced to complete ruins, an act of vandalism which put Elgin in the same class as his father. The Treaty of Tientsin was ratified soon afterwards, w ith an additional clause which ceded the Kowloon Peninsula to Britain. Elgin returned to England in 1860 still carrying a per- sonal letter from Queen Victoria to the emperor; he had had no chance to deliver it. This letter joined a letter written by the Queen in 1 857. also undelivered, in Elgin's personal papers. The best account of the war is by Douglas Hurd. The Arrow War, subtitled with some understatement, "an Anglo-Chinese Confusion 1856-60." was published shortly after Mr. Hurd left the Foreign Office in 1965 to work in the Conservative Central Office, a move which led eventually to his becoming a member of parlia- ment. As Foreign Secretary in the present round of discussions with China, Mr. Hurd may have pause to remember his earlier writings. 1 BowTing was a close follower of Jeremy Bentham and a great believer in reform. "He firmly shared (he Benthamite belief that the problems of any society could be solved if the clutter of tra- dition and prejudice were cleared away and its institutions reformed on logical and utilitarian lines " (Douglas Hurd. The Arrow War, (London: Collins. 1967). p.22] Bowring was also an accomplished linguist: he claimed to know fifteen languages, including Chinese 2 Ibid..p.207. 10 UPDATE Press, cont'd from page 10 mg some Hong Kongers to call it a potential "shadow government" However, the now group has maintained a very low profile in the now s during this spring and summer. Indeed, relations looked positively cordial as seen in the press by early June. Readers were told that work on the Beijing-Kowloon railway line was being speeded up. that the Shenzhen stock exchange looked forward to expanding in a business boom after 1997. that now more and more Hong Kongers were learning Mandarin instead of English, and that Chinese audiences had enthusiastically cheered a number of Hong Kong rock stars on recent tours, while Hong Kong residents welcomed new PRC films. There were some jitters over Patten's visit to the United States in May. and his plea to President Clinton to renew China's Most Favoured Nation (MFNi status was virtually ignored in the Mainland papers. Conversely, the Macau government was pointedly hailed as a model of cooperation with China over the 1999 handover. Still, the PRC government remained unusu- ally upbeat over Hong Kong. President Jiang Zemin was quoted on May 1 8 as saying that the current Sino-British talks "could produce positive results so long as both sides abide by the Joint Declaration, the Hong Kong Basic Law : and also agreements and understandings reached earliei between the two sides'' A Foreign Ministry spokesman reiterated the hopeful message three da) s later and empha- sized China's sincerity without, for once, attacking Britain's supposed lack of sincerity. Even as Sino-British hostilities lessened, the number of articles on Hong Kong in the People's Daily and China Daily also fell, parti) because Chinese officials have been distracted by a number of Other pressing foreign relations problems. Stories about Hong Kong were replaced by articles on China's various bids to join GATT, win the year 2000 Olympics, and retain MFN status with the US, while the gov- ernment struggled to put forward its own inter- pretation on troubles in Tibet, China's position at the U.N. World Conference on Human Rights, and Premier Li Peng's mysteriously long disappearance from public \ iew. However, if political relations with Hong Kong have been glossed over lately, economic relations w ith Hong Kong businesses have received more emphasis. Hong Kong is China's major trading partner and vice versa, but April saw few of the usual articles about Hong Kong investments in China - as if Beijing's warnings that the political dispute could damage business relations had found concrete illustration in the volume of news coverage. B) June though, the Chinese press was once again heralding such coups as an agreement with three Hong Kong linns to build a power plant in Guangdong, plans for China's biggest anils manufacturer to build luxury cars w ith Hong Kong cooperatively, a Hong Kong com- pany \ gift o\ I ss 1 25,000 to a PR( ' charity, and the purchase by two major Chinese state corporations of a 30$ stake in Hong Kong's First Pacific Bank. In a still more sinking change, the Chinese government positively began to woo Hong Kong business people. PRC President Jiang Zemin made an important speech urging accel- eration of China's economic reforms and growth, and the speech was published in a Chinese-owned Hong Kong magazine (Bauhinia) before publication in the Mainland. A front page article in the China Daily on May 29 urged Hong Kongers to "swarm to inland regions." including areas as remote and lacking in infrastructure as Xinjiang and Ningxia provinces. Such a move would certainly solve another problem causing Beijing headaches, namely the increasing inequities between coastal and inland areas. In short. Hong Kong- Mainland relations by mid-summer had resumed a businesslike tone. Good and Bad Triads: Notes from the Hong Kong Press The problem of temiinology is a recur- rent one between Chinese and English and between Hong Kong and China. In April this year, the meaning of the word 'triad' came under scrutiny. There was an agitated reprise of a terminological confusion which first cropped up in April 1992. The PRC Minister of Public Security. Tao Siju. announced, as he had the year before, that Beijing would be happy to work with "triads,' so long as they were patriotic and had renounced crime. This statement, coupled with stories that leaders of the Sun Yee On Triad had visited Beijing in March and met with Mr. Tao just before he made his remarks about patriotic triads, led to a great deal of nervousness in Hong Kong [South China Morning Post. 1 7 April 1993~p. 1]. However, according to an official spokesman for the Ministry of Public Security quoted in the South China Morning Post. Mr. Tao's remarks were being misinter- preted. By 'triads' he meant "societies spon- taneously formed by people from the same birthplace or in the same trade, in a bid to protect their interest in an organised way" [SCMP. 24 April 1993, p. 4]. This is seldom the interpretation of 'triads' in Hong Kong, where they are assumed to be organizations principally devoted to crime. The Beijing explanation was especially difficult to accept this year because it was an almost identical repeat of last year's state- ments. In April 1992. Mr. Tao announced that the key factor in assessing people was their patriotism. Tao said that 'triad members are not all cut out of the same cloth. Some are patriotic to China and Hong Kong.' He added that while triad soci- eties are not to be allowed to develop in China. Hongkong gang members were allowed to visit and even to establish businesses on the mainland [Far Eastern Economic Review. 16 April 1992. p. 16]. Speculation as to the reason for the April triad 'trial balloons' ranged from a regular warning by the PRC to Hong Kong not to oppose Peking's wishes (given that the PRC government was friendly with the triads i. to a veiled threat to Hong Kong authorities not to crack down on the triads. UPDATE 1 1 Hong Kong Pop Singers' Charity Concerts in China by Bernard Luk York University, Toronto Hong Kong has a sizeable and lively pop music industry, with dozens of well known artists working in a unique blend of Chinese, Western. Japanese and other traditions. They produce hundreds of new albums every year. Their work, mostly in Cantonese, is avidly followed in Hong Kong and in the Cantonese- speaking overseas Chinese communities of North America. Some of the stars have been touring Canada for both commercial and charitable performances. For instance. Anita Mui. one of the most popular singers, will be perform- ing in Toronto this October to raise funds for the University of Toronto and other non-profit organizations. Another well known singer is Canadian Sally Yeh. who grew up in Vancouver and has many fans in Hong Kong and Canada. Hong Kong pop stars also enjoy wide fal- lowings in Taiwan and Mainland China. Indeed, many Hong Kong singers are youth idols in Hong Kong as well as household names in the Peopled Republic, where thou- sands of young people in Beijing, Shanghai, and other cities learn to speak Cantonese, not only for its economic value in the Open Door reforms but also for its musical value. During the late 1980s, some Hong Kong singers began to make popular and lucrative concert tours in China. Their performances were frowned upon by the authorities there as examples of Westernized decadence, but were tolerated as concomitant with the Open Door policy. This year, however, a formula has been found to bring together Hong Kong pop stars, their fans in China, and the interests of the state. That formula is a series of fund rais- ing concerts to help the poor and needy in the People's Republic. Charity concerts have a long and venera- ble tradition in Hong Kong. Throughout the 1950s and '60s. all-night concerts, given by Cantonese opera artists and broadcast over the radio a few times every winter in aid of disaster victims, philanthropic hospitals, orphanages, or scholarship funds, were high- lights on the cultural calendar that helped to forge a sense of community among two mil- lion dispirited refugees. In recent decades, the tradition has continued with numerous fund raising shows on television every year. Hong Kong probably enjoys and supports more such performances each year - usually suc- cessful ones - on its electronic media than any other society. The tradition took a political turn in May 1989 when the artists and pro-democracy activists organized a pop music marathon in the Happy Valley Race Course in support of the students and citizens of Beijing, then under siege by martial law. Attended by half a million people and broadcast live over televi- sion, the concert raised HK$13 million (CDNS2 million) in one day. Among other things, the concert provided funds for the tents on Tiananmen Square, which two weeks later were crushed by the tanks. After the massacre, most Hong Kong singers decided not to perform in China again. However, authorized or pirated copies of their albums continued to do well in the Mainland market, and their popularity with PRC fans continued to grow. During the summer of 1991, when parts of central China were devastated by floods, the Chinese government appealed for relief from overseas. Pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong were the first to respond and organized a large fund raising concert featuring many stars. The money they realized was accepted by the PRC authorities although the organiz- ers were not permitted to visit the disaster areas. Meanwhile, there were reports that a num- ber of actors and singers had been coerced by violence or threats of violence to make com- mercial films against their will. The perpetra- tors were reputed to be newly emerging underworld organizations from the Mainland. The popular culture community was greatly shocked by several shooting incidents during 1992, and some famous performers were put under police protection. Last winter, when the PRC authorities were focusing their wrath on Governor Patten and pro-democracy groups in Hong Kong, several popular Hong Kong singers were invited to Beijing to participate in a New Year concert which was broadcast over China Central Television. A number of Hong Kong singers also took advantage of the more relaxed economic climate on the Mainland to do lucrative concert tours there. However, many famous performers still would not visit China for commercial gain. In February 1993, it was announced that Hong Kong Television Broadcast Company and China Central Television would co-spon- sor a Campaign for the Poor in China. The Campaign would be organized with the assis- tance of the PRC Ministry of Civil Affairs. It would open in April with a concert featuring most of Hong Kong's top stars in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, followed by a series of concerts in various cities in China lasting till October. The Great Hall is normal- ly reserved for formal state functions; this was probably the first time that it provided the venue for rock and roll. Some of the stars who had not performed in China since 1989 took part in the grand opening of the Campaign on April 18, although not all of them attended the official receptions or met with government leaders. The grand opening was broadcast live in Hong Kong and China. Attendance at the Great Hall was limited to 8.000 invited guests only, and no tickets were offered for public sale. Plans to hold a Hong Kong-style run- athon with Hong Kong stars and PRC citizens on the streets of Beijing were vetoed by the security-conscious city authorities. Around the time of the opening concert, there was a great deal of media coverage on (he miserable conditions of the poor in China. Many of those conditions were well known in Hong Kong; but this marked the first time that they were openly acknowledged in con- nection with a media event which was offi- cially backed by the PRC government. During the concert itself, there was a great deal of emphasis on sympathy for the poor in China, on "blood is thicker than water." and on the duty of Chinese people in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and overseas to help. The concert may well mark a new relationship between the PRC authorities and popular culture in Hong Kong. The videotape of the open concert has been released commercially and broadcast on Chinese-speaking television stations in Canada. 12 UPDATE Is Canada Losing Hong Kong Investment? by Susan Haulers and Don Pittis Oxford, U.K. Ever since it became clear that China would take control of Hong Kong, nervous money has been flowing out of the British colony and into Canada. Now. some analysts argue the trend is reversing. Pushed by Canada's low economic growth rates and high unemployment and pulled by the boom- ing economy in South China, some Hong Kong money is returning home. According to Andrew Ma. spokesperson for Hong Kong*s Trade Development Council. "Ten years ago. there was a steady flow of money out of Hong Kong [to Canada]." That has changed: "The money is now seeing its way back to Hong Kong, and a lot of investments we see in China, in fact, flow from Hong Kong, from Canada." Given the relatively high rates of return in South China and other factors. Ma's analysis makes some sense. However, the trend does not worry Joe Clark. During a March 1993 visit to Hong Kong, the then Constitutional Affairs Minister said he was not concerned about the evidence that investment, including Chinese Canadian capital, is moving into Hong Kong and South China from Canada. "There are so many Canadian entre- preneurs who have direct contacts with Hong Kong and with Southern China." Clark rea- soned. "It is a constructive factor in two-way investment and we've got no concerns about two-way investment. We welcome it." The same methods of government statistics gathering and complex investment patterns that obscure the size and nature of Hong Kong capital in Canada [see Hong Kong Capital Flows Into Canada, p. Iff.] also prevent us from knowing how much Hong Kong money is leaving the country. Depite these problems, some analysts conclude that the recession and other changes in the Canada-Hong Kong investment env ironment have hurt some ty pes of investment more than others. For instance, we do know that direct investment in Canada by Hong Kong resi- dents was still increasing at the end of 1991, the last date for which figures are available. From CDNS 1 .3 billion at the end of 1990, it climbed to S2.3 billion a year later, an increase of 767c during some of the worst months of Canada's economic downturn. According to Henry Yau of Investment Canada, this was because 'Asian investors lake a long term point of view" and are unlikely to pull their money out because of a temporary economic decline. "Unless they are verj strapped for cash, they will stay in." he said. Moreover, government officials say direct investments by Hong Kong residents are like- ly to continue to increase in the long term due to such factors as the North American Free Trade Agreement. Canada-Hong Kong family and business linkages, and East Asia's expanding pool of capital. Nonetheless. Yau predicted that growth in direct investment could slow in the short term because the majority of the big money anxious to get out before 1 997 has already diversified out of Hong Kong. While existing direct investors are not pulling their stock of investment out of Canada in significant numbers, thev could well be investing their profits in South China and other areas where returns are better. "I don't believe there is any flowing back of money, but the amount of money flow ing in w ill be relatively flat." Yau concluded. Indirect portfolio investment is a different matter. Although exact figures do not exist, government and private-sector analysts say there have been declines in 'speculative' pur- chases of such things as stocks and bonds, as money from both Hong Kong residents and Hong Kong immigrants in Canada grav itates to the relative windfalls in East Asia. No one knows how big the outflow is. in part because Statistics Canada does not keep tabs on Hong Kong's share of foreign indirect holdings of portfolio investment. On the other side, barring another major political crisis in Hong Kong, investment related to immigration from the British terri- tory may already have peaked. Wayne Lorch. whose P.W. Lorch & Associates Ltd. man- ages immigrant investor syndicates, said the recession probably only heightened a trend already ev ident before the Canadian economy soured. Rich Hong Kong business immigrants tend to keep most of their investment capital in Asia, where their returns are largely tax free. Lorch indicated. "They may have substantial additional capital," he said. "But I don't think Canadians should hold their breath about them transfer- ring all their money, other than what is required under the [Immigrant Investor] Program, enough to buy a monster house in British Columbia and a hank account to keep themselves." Another route for the return of money to Hong Kong is with immigrants who have obtained passports and have returned to the territory to find higher paying jobs. The Hi mg Kong Institute of Personnel Management estimates the number of Hong Kong returnees from all countries at nearly 15%. However, the precise size of the flow back is difficult to calculate with any certainty because Hong Kong returnees may enter and leave the British territory using their Hong Kong travel documents, leaving their adopted countrv of origin unrecorded. Also. Canadians of Hong Kong origin now living in Hong Kong are not required to register their presence with Canadian authorities or to inform Canadian officials upon their departure from Canada. Yau from Investment Canada maintains that many of those returning are professionals whose dependents remain behind in the Canadian family home. There are no esti- mates of how much capital such itinerant workers might take with them. Furthermore, because many Chinese businesses in both Canada and Hong Kong are family -owned and. thus, not subject to the public disclosure rules that apply to publicly traded companies, it is more difficult to know how much capital they might be transferring out of Canada. On the inflow side, the average amount of money that business immigrants from all countries declared they were bringing into Canada at ports of entry reached a five-) ear low in 1992 of $87,257 for each principal applicant. The average was $120,000 for those from Hong Kong. However, govern- ment figures indicate a fluctuating pattern, rather than a steady drop in the funds declared by business immigrants as the reces- sion took hold. Moreover, government offi- cials said that the numbers probably underes- timate the actual capital brought into Canada by immigrants, although they stress that authorities neither check to ensure that immi- grants actually transfer the funds nor investi- gate whether such capital remains in Canada afterward. Investment, cont'd page 14 UPDATE 13 Investment, cont'd from page 13 A general decline in immigration applica- tions from Hong Kong residents, particularly those applying in business categories, points to declining capital inflows from Hong Kong immigrants in the coming years. According to figures from the Canadian Commission in Hong Kong, in 1991 the number of immigra- tion visa applications for all categories fell by nearly half from the year before. During the same period, business immigration applica- tions plunged 69%, while those from skilled workers dropped 67%. The decline suggests some business immigration applicants will barely meet the acceptability criteria and that most of the best applicants have already left the territory. The fall is significant because, although relatively few in numbers, business immi- grants - especially those in the investor cate- gory - are the source of most of the immigra- tion-related investment capital brought into the country. According to economist Roslyn Kunin, in a report prepared for Employment and Immigration Canada, the 20,000 business immigrants who landed in Canada between 1986 and 1990 poured an estimated $3 billion into the economy. The recession is partly to blame for the decline. However, other factors - increasing competition from other countries seeking rich immigrants, slow application processing times, and concerns about abuses under the immigrant Investor Program (IIP) - may have deterred applicants. Changes to the IIP regu- lations at the end of 1992. which increased the minimum amount of investment required to $250,000 from $150,000 and locked it in for five years instead of three, also decreased applications. "Anyone who really wanted to come to Canada tried to get in under the old regulations." John Martin of the Business Immigration Program declared. In addition, application rates are no longer skewed by the abnormally high number of immigration applications sparked by the Chinese govern- ment's suppression of the pro-democracy movement in 1989. As the pool of moneyed immigrants from Hong Kong dries up and more of the territo- ry's migrants are approved under non-busi- ness classes, officials are looking to other parts of the world for new sources of business irnmigrants. The 1 992 federal government Ministerial Task Force on the Immigrant Investor Program stated: "[IIP] Fund promoters and sales agents have concentrated their market- ing efforts in Hong Kong over the past several years, exploiting the uncertainties surround- ing the proposed changeover in governments in 1997.... although Canada's focus on Hong Kong has paid dividends, that market now shows signs of returning stability. However, other markets such as Taiwan, the Middle East, Latin and South America are showing signs of potential growth." Some analysts suggest the richest business immigrant applicants now come from Taiwan, not Hong Kong. Taiwan's share of Canadian business immigration is growing, jumping from 591. or 12.9% of principal applicants, in 1990 to 1,335. or 19.69f. in 1992 - a level second only to Hong Kong. "It's safe to say that other parts of the world are going to play a bigger part [in the IIP]," Martin concluded. We thank Employment anil Immigration Canada and Investment Canada for making these statistics available to n\. Hong Kong and the Closure of Provincial Offices Abroad The closure this year of all Ontario's sev- enteen overseas offices was the most dramatic step in what has been a steady provincial retreat from independent overseas representa- tion. In the case of Hong Kong, it reduced to four the number of provinces with representa- tives operating in the territory - a far cry from the early 1990s when New Brunswick was the only province not to have a provincial agent there. For the most part, overseas provincial offices were intended to raise the profile of provinces on the international scene, ensuring that their interests, particularly commercial interests, were well represented. Ontario. Quebec, Alberta, and British Columbia tend- ed to have the most offices abroad, although a number of Maritime provinces have had rep- resentation in Europe and in the eastern United States. Most offices focused on the promotion of investment in their provinces and the facilita- tion of the business immigration program, along with some trade development and cul- tural affairs publicity as well. They were intended to operate in concert with the federal government, coordinating events and strate- gies with the local embassy, consulate, or other federal office. In this sense, they were important players in sharing the workload of overseas promotional work, particularly in their investment development focus. Moreover, Quebec, with its constitutional powers with respect to immigration, contin- ues to operate a substantial immigration pro- gram in concert with federal immigration officers. However, the presence of some of the offices inevitably led to confusion among several host countries, particularly those which did not have a federal system and which were unsure of the respective duties and powers of the federal and provincial offices. This was not a problem unique to Canada, as it was often the case with overseas offices operated by American states. The most common concern was that competition between provinces, however low key, for commercial or investment benefits led to a diluting of Canada's overall image abroad. Even with concerted efforts on the part of the provinces to present themselves as part of Canada, this competition made it more diffi- cult at times to present a cohesive Canadian presence. However valid these concerns might have been, the sheer cost of office space and the pressure to reduce apparent duplication of effort between federal and provincial govern- ments led to new federal -provincial overseas arrangements. Increasingly, provincial gov- ernment representatives began locating within federal embassies and consulates. They con- tinued to represent the interests of their provincial governments and. particularly, key industry sectors important to their provinces, such as oil and gas in Alberta. They also shared the consular and administrative responsibilities of all officers operating at Canadian posts abroad. The closure of many overseas provincial offices may mean increased pressure to expand the number of these shared arrange- ments with the federal government. Although with federal cost-recovery schemes, such arrangements also represent an expense to the provincial governments. At present. Quebec continues its immigration activities, important 14 UPDATE to its domestic cultural and linguistic policy - but sometimes under similar space-sharing arrangements with the federal government Increasingly, tight provincial budgets and the concern to reduce waste and apparent duplication at all levels of government will continue this trend to reduce separate overseas representation and to share arrangements with the federal government. At the same time. Ottawa has also increased its commitment to involve provincial governments in the setting of federal trade development priorities, in an attempt to offset concerns that pro\ incial inter- ests w ill suffer with the closure of their over- seas offices. However, fiscal pressure has also meant the closure of embassies and consulates, so it will not alwav s be easv for the Canadian offices to assume the tasks of the provincial representatives. With record governmental debt and deficits, it will be a long time, if ever, before prov incial representation in Hong Kong again reaches the level of the 1980s. However, the growth ot overseas offices did send a message to the federal government of the importance attached to international activities In the provinces. Moreover, the fact that most oi Atlantic Canada at one time was represented in Hong Kong underscores the growing awareness of the importance ot this region to all of Canada. The pitfalls of setting up business in the People's Republic of China are legion. Many firms, including multi-nationals have found China a difficult place in which to do business, especially because of widely varying local con- ditions. One Canadian firm that has renewed its China ties and set up successful on-going oper- ations, in this case in the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone (SEZ). is Alcan. Alcan has extensive dealings both in Guangdong and Hong Kong through its Asian subsidiary. Nikkei Alcan Ltd. The cen- tre of its Asian operations is located in Hong Kong, and the firm is committed to the con- tinuation of its half-century trade in south- eastern China. Its office in Hong Kong has been in place for more than twenty \ ears w ith a full complement of staff that serves as the nerve-centre for Alcan's PRC operations and its China-centred decision making. Together with its Japanese subsidiary, Nippon Light Metal Ltd.. Alcan's Hong Kong office has directed various projects, first in the Hong Kong market, from w hich it gained valuable expertise, and now in China. Alcan's experience in Hong Kong and the Mainland is illustrative of a story w ith a positive ending - that with creative management, ev en what seems at first like insurmountable obstacles can be overcome. The story of Alcan in China began in 1928, when Alcan established its first sales office and eventually set up an aluminium foil rolling operation along with Swiss and British companies. It owned 5 1 % of that operation which was seized by the Japanese during the war. After World War II. Alcan had no further production in China until 1979. with the coming of the new open-door policy. Between those years, it simply was an exporter of aluminium ingots to China. The Multinational Entrepreneur in Shenzhen SEZ by Paul Levine City Polytechnic of Hong Kong Path to Success: Doing Business in China Alcan's strategy during the late 1970s and early 1980s was not to try to go directly into China with its own joint- venture operation as many companies did. which often led to unhappy results. Rather, it put up small investments in related businesses in the PRC. in order to gain experience that would enhance Alcan's ability to make the right decisions when it did finally choose to enter into larger scale production operations. Alcan's early moves had a double-sided benefit. First, they formed the basis for the company's Chinese partners to start a rela- tionship that would last, especially when larger-scale operations were planned. Second. Alcan gained exposure that gave it credibility in the eyes of its Chinese counter- parts, that it would keep its word and that it was not just in for a short-term "quick profit and quick exit." Starting in 1978. Alcan, along with a Japanese partner, built a turn- key aluminium ingot smelter that was hand- ed over to China in 1982. Next, in 1985. it built an aerosol can manufacturing facility whose production was aimed for the domes- tic Chinese market. According to Roger Hum. the chief execu- tive officer of Alcan Nikkei (China) Limited, the Hong Kong-based headquarters of Alcan China, the next step was to head toward Shenzhen, the burgeoning Special Economic Zone. "When we decided to go to the Shenzhen SEZ. we did it because it was on the front line, not a backwater." With its proximity to Hong Kong, container links, and access to the China market. Shenzhen was a logical entry -point for China-based operations. In 1986. Alcan set up a joint venture alu- minium extrusion (producing aluminium logs) plant in Nantou near She Kou. just out- side of Shenzhen. Its PRC partner was the China National Nonferrous Metals Corporation (CNNC) in Beijing, which con- trols the Chinese aluminium industry. The choice of CNNC turned out to be strategically advantageous because as the project proceed- ed, local Guangdong officials tried to insert themselves between Alcan and CNNC. Each time this happened. Alcan was able to use its influence in Beijing to overrule provincial authorities. An example, and one that was to play a key role in the success of the project. was the struggle over the recruitment of workers. Recruitment and Training of Young Workers As Roger Hum tells it. this was a crucial issue. In the late 1980s most foreign joint ventures with Chinese partners were limited in their recruitment to workers from state- owned firms, who were used to an 'iron rice- bowl' system with lifetime employment, regardless of efficiency. This resulted in a low average output and non-competitive rates of efficiency, w ith the consequence that many joint ventures quickly disappeared from the Chinese scene. In order to circumvent this situation. Alcan decided to recruit workers directly, without going through provincially controlled recruit- ment offices and by advertising for 'young' workers with no previous experience. They had the advantage of being trained by foreign managers. More importantly, they could be motivated to increase output through material incentives, such as output-related bonuses for increases above production targets and scarce consumer goods like nylons. Alcan. cont'd page 16 UPDATE 15 Alcan, cont'd from page 15 At first, the process of obtaining young workers, who were usually thrust down on the last rung of the production ladder and paid the lowest wages by the seniority-cen- tred Chinese industrial system, was quite dif- ficult. However, once Alcan's joint venture partner intervened, direct recruitment and in- factory training began to pay off. The result was that young workers, who were consid- ered the 'low-castes' on the ladder, became the most sought-after workers for Alcan and other employers. The plant opened in 1 990 and hired to capacity, with over 300 workers. Within five months, it was operating in the black and, despite the 1989 downturn in the Chinese economy, it has been profitable since 1991. To summarize, its Chinese experience has taught Alcan the importance of the following: 1 ) patient negotiations with a powerful local partner, who could intervene and overcome local road-blocks; 2) long-range planning with a firm commitment that would not change even when confronted by short-term economic goals and policy obstacles; 3) creative on-site management and recruitment policies to utilize advantageous conditions; and 4) good infras- tructure, such as provided in Shenzhen. Finally, as Roger Hum said. "There are always going to be policy changes in Beijing and this will affect business aims." The radi- cal shift since Alcan's first success can be seen in greater powers given to localities as the Chinese economy has rapidly decentral- ized, doing away with many of the advan- tages Alcan enjoyed through its contacts with a powerful Beijing partner. Today local authorities are likely to have final, overall decision making powers. However, Alcan's long-term planning and on-the-spot creative management should help it through many future ups and downs. Seminar on Canadian Trade in Southern China and Hong Kong by Sonny Lo Hong Kong University of Science and Technology On 20 April 1993, a conference exploring the opportunities for Canadian trade and investment in Southern China and the role of Hong Kong as intermediary was held in the Mandarin Club, Toronto. The seminar was sponsored by the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada, the Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong, the Hong Kong-Canada Business Association (Toronto section), the Asian Business Studies Program of the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, and the Pacific Basin Economic Council (Canadian Committee). Speakers at the conference included Stephen Lam, director of the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office in Toronto; Peter Wong, president of Hong Kong Ferry (Holdings) Co. Ltd.; Ted Lipman, deputy director of the East Asia Trade Development Division. External Affairs and International Trade Canada; James Keenan, director of spe- cial projects, Asia Pacific Foundation; John Lam, vice president of Asian Banking, Hong- kong Bank of Canada; Tang Fuquan, PRC Consul-General in Toronto; and Frank Chau, president of Canadian Goldyear Realty Inc. Many of the speakers stressed the impor- tance of Hong Kong's role in the develop- ment of and investment in Southern China and the significance of Canada-Hong Kong business ties. Stephen Lam discussed recent growth trends and the economic interdepen- dence between Hong Kong and South China. He pointed out that there were numerous opportunities for Canadian trade and invest- ment in Southern China, where a cooperative network had already been formed by combin- ing Hong Kong's capital and managerial knowledge with China's low production costs and huge consumer market. Peter Wong emphasized that South China offered numerous investment and manufac- turing opportunities for Canadian business people. He maintained that China had made many improvements in its infrastructure, electricity supply, and legal and accountancy systems. As a member of Guangdong's People's Consultative Conference since 1989, Wong also suggested that small and medium- sized foreign companies should establish their communication networks in Hong Kong as a first step to expanding their business into China. Ted Lipman also maintained that Hong Kong represents a stepping stone for Canadian trade with the PRC. He advised Canadian companies to form "partnerships" with Hong Kong counterparts and Mainland enterprises in order to reduce the risks of investing in China. Southern China is "a springboard to China's hinterland," and "China is a potential market for every Canadian export." John Lam made some financial recom- mendations to Canadian businessmen regard- ing their entry into the South China market through Hong Kong. He stressed that doing business in China needed time and patience and that it would be wise for Canadian buyers to use middlemen to solve payment problems. The Chinese Consul-General. Tang Fuquan. emphasized that China provided "tremendous opportunities" for Canadian trade and investment. He objected to Mr. Lipman's remarks that Southern China prac- tised "capitalism with a Chinese face" and insisted, rather, that China followed "social- ism with Chinese characteristics." Insights on the selection and management of Hong Kong distributors for China's market were presented by James Keenan of APF. He advised that Canadian companies should use their sales representatives to explore the mar- ket in the PRC instead of relying on the reports conducted by consultancy firms. Strategies of distribution are crucial for Canadian companies to trade with China. He suggested that training should be regarded as "an on-going process that must be shared with distributors." Finally. Frank Chau gave an overview of the legal procedures for doing business in Southern China. He pointed out that drawing up a business contract required the approval of various local authorities and departments and also stressed that patience was crucial for foreign business people investing in the PRC. 16 UPDATE Metro -Toronto Week in Hong Kong The Municipality of Metropolitan Toronto is organizing a Metro-Toronto Week in Hong Kong for the end of November 1993. The program is expected to feature an investment seminar, business del- egations, a gala dinner, cultural activities, and events involving all three levels of edu- cation. A side-trip to south China is also planned for the business delegation. Metro-Toronto Week will be the third Canada-Hong Kong celebration in'as many years. In June 1991 the Canadian govern- ment held a Canada Festival in Hong Kong. which was presided over by Prime Minister Brian Mulronev [see Canada and Hong Kong Update, no. 5. Fall 1 99 1 . pp. 1-4]. In the autumn of 1992, the Hong Kong govern- ment reciprocated with a Hong Kong Festival held in major cities across Canada, from Montreal to Vancouver [see Update . no. 8, Fall 1992, pp.5-7]. Senior Executive Councillor Baroness Lvdia Dunn and Governor Christopher Patten officiated at the opening and closing ceremonies, respec- tively. Business, cultural, and academic activities and people-to-people exchanges were prominent in both years. The festivals were considered vers successful in fostering goodwill and mutual understanding between the two societies, as well as in establishing more Hibstantive economic, social, and cul- tural ties across the Pacific. Metro-Toronto Week is intended to build upon and further develop the fruitful con- tacts that were made in the two earlier festi- vals. It will be smaller in scale, engaging Canadian participants onlv from the greater Toronto area, and will not involve the more senior levels of government. The organizers. based in the Economic Development Division of Metro Hall, hope to promote partnership between Hong Kong and Toronto in many fields of endeavour. The Canada and Hong Kong Project played an active role in the two previous fes- tivals, holding academic workshops on legal, political, social, and educational issues on developments in Hong Kong and Canada-Hong Kong relations." It intends to continue with this involvement during Metro-Toronto Week. *[A number of the papers presented at these workshops have been published or are being prepared for publication. ] Maintain or Reform: Dispute Within Vancouver CCC by Hugh X. Tan Vancouver On Sunday 25 April 1993. Vancouver's Chinatown witnessed an historical event when some 4.300 people went to the Chinese Cultural Centre (CCC) to vote for a 31 -seat Board of Directors, from a total of 73 candi- dates. As this election would determine whether the "Committee to Maintain the Community's Participation in the CCC" (Maintain Committee) or the "CCC Renewal Committee" (Renewal or Reform Committee) would control the Board from 1993-1995, it attracted much attention from the Chinese community and was taken very seriously b\ all parties involved. Along the streets leading to the Centre, candidates from the rival com- mittees, as well as some independent contes- tants, set up display tables, making a last minute effort to attract more votes. Policemen and private security guards, placed at the entrance to the voting room, checked ID's and membership cards of the voters. Observation rooms were set up above the voting area to monitor the scene, and the accounting firm Price Waterhouse was hired to count votes. Founding and Activities of CCC To understand the emergence of compet- ing factions in the CCC and the importance of this election, we need to look at the history of is ™ ;; - the Centre. The CCC of Vancouver was founded in 1973. after a proposal by the Wong's Benevolent Association, a clan-chari- ty organization in Vancouver's Chinatown. Representatives from 2 1 community organi- zations then formed the Centre, with the goal to promote Chinese culture in the Canadian setting and to develop friendship with other communities. After twenty years of opera- tion, the Centre has grown considerably and become verv influential in community affairs. It now has a new branch office in Richmond. B.C.. where many Asian, especially Hong Kong and Taiwan, immigrants have settled. The Centre is well known for its cultural activities, which include organization of the annual Spring Festival celebrations, sponsor- ship of art exhibitions, and the invitation of well known artists and performers from the PRC and Hong Kong to Canada. The CCC is often visited by government delegations from the PRC. Its regular training courses include Chinese calligraphy, painting. Tai Chi. danc- ing, and Chinese languages. Its Board of Directors, all of whom are volunteers, is re- elected every two years. Funding is partly from government sources and partly from pri- vate donations. Background on Dispute The dispute between the "Maintain" and the "Renewal" committees can be traced back four years ago, to the aftermath of the 4 June 1989 Tiananman massacre. At that time, a new lv -formed organization, the Vancouver Society in Support of Democratic Movement (VSSDM), proposed a replica of the Goddess of Democracy be built in the Dr. Sun Yat-Sen Garden in Chinatown, but the proposal was rejected. In April 1990. the Society applied to CCC. cont'd page 18 UPDATE 17 CCC. cont'd from page 17 Vancouver's Parks Board to place a Tiananman memorial plaque in the city-run Sun Yat-Sen Park, adjacent to the Garden. This idea provoked strong opposition from the Chinese Benevolent Association (CBA), an umbrella organization consisting of some fifty community groups. Heated debates occurred between the two sides, which finally led to the City's refusal of the application [see Update, no. 1, Spring 1990, p. 9], Three years later, some VSSDM supporters became members of the CCC "Renewal Committee," while some Chinese community leaders were the back- bone of the "Maintainers group" within the CCC. The second encounter between the two groups took place before the 1992 annual gen- eral meeting of the Chinese Cultural Centre. The CCC Coastitution Committee, headed by William (Bill) Yee (also Chair of the CBA), proposed to amend four areas in the existing constitution: 1 ) to change the name of the Centre to the Chinese Cultural Centre of Greater Vancouver: 2) to set aside 11 of the 3 1 seats in the Board of Directors for community organizations; 3) to pre-screen applicants for CCC membership by the Board of Directors; and 4) to require candidates running for the Board to be CCC members six months prior to the election (past requirement was one month). Except for the name change, these amend- ments aroused strong reaction from the com- munity. A public statement, signed by a num- ber of former directors, present directors, and long-time supporters of the CCC, denounced the amendments as detrimental to the Chinese Cultural Centre. Such changes would make "it more restrictive to become a member or to serve as a Board member" and thus enable "a small group of insiders to maintain control of the Centre without going through a truly democratic election process." On April 26. over 500 members attended the annual meet- ing to vote for the amendments. About a dozen people spoke, most of whom were against the proposals, and organizers maintained order with difficulty. After heated debates, a motion was passed to defeat the amendments. Criticism of CCC With the rejection of these proposals, the dispute in the community remained dormant for several months. However, it resurfaced a few months later in the factions, the "Reformers" and the "Maintainers," contesting the 1993 Board elections. In January of this year. Mr. Xu Xing, a former Hong Kong jour- nalist and an outspoken critic of the above- mentioned amendments, published articles in the Sing Too Daily [ 1 1 January and 30 January 1993], a widely read Chinese language news- paper in Vancouver. The first article, entitled "The CCC Must be Reformed." criticized the Centre for pro- moting Chinese culture in a selective and restricted way. Specifically, he maintained that 1 ) the Centre promoted "Embassy culture." as only PRC newspapers and magazines were in the reading room, while Hong Kong and Taiwan publications were excluded; and 2) the Centre mostly publicized popular Chinese cul- ture, such as boat racing and lion dancing, and largely ignored classical or "high level" Chinese culture, such as education in religion, philosophy, classical poetry, calligraphy and traditional painting. Mr. Xu appealed to the Centre to abandon its "cultural restrictionism" and open its doors to all segments of Chinese culture: including Hong Kong, Taiwan, the PRC. and overseas Chinese communities, especially those in North America. He also worked out a general framework for reforming the CCC. Mr. Xu's arguments, not surprisingly, became a very controversial subject in the community. During the months that followed, comments, criticism and counter-criticism on this subject filled the Chinese language press in Vancouver. Discussions were also aired by Chinese language radio programmes. Contesting 1993 Board Elections In mid-January, the Renewal or Reform. (using the same Chinese character Ge Xin) Committee put forward a list of 25 candidates to run for the next Board of Directors of the CCC. Most of these candidates were middle- aged professionals: lawyers, accountants, physicians, university professors. About one third of them were relatively new immigrants who had lived in Canada for less than six years. Ten were born in Hong Kong, while three were Canadian-born. Two were running for re-election to the Board. The goal of the Reform Committee was to change the Centre into a more "active, accessible, and account- able" organization. Facing the challenges of the reformers, those who felt more comfortable with the sta- tus quo formed the Maintain Committee to support their candidates for the election. This committee included representatives from 12 major community organizations and 19 indi- vidual candidates who supported community organizations. Eight of them were present directors of the CCC. including Chairman Fred Mah and Vice Chairman Bill Yee. These people covered a wider range of occupations: lawyers, managers, high school teacher, jour- nalist, businesspersons. and civil servants. They were generally considered to be more established in the Chinatown area, as well as in Canada. Most of the community organiza- tions they represented or supported had a long history in Canada. The slogan for this group was to keep "community participation in the CCC, for peace, harmony and prosperity in Chinatown." Three major conflicting views toward the CCC and its present Board of Directors were outlined in a report based on separate inter- views with Patrick Chen, spokesman for the Renewal Committee, and Vice-Chairman Bill Yee. First, Chen criticized the Board's stagna- tion and lack of creativity. He saw the same programs running over and over again without new ideas coming from the directors. He also claimed meetings began hours late due to a lack of a quorum. Although Bill Yee admitted there was room for improvement, the vice- chairman countered with the fact that the Board did have new ideas, but the introduction of new programs depended on the resources of the Centre. Secondly, the Board of Directors was criti- cized for devoting too much energy to main- taining power and not to developing pro- grams, and Chen cited the example of the defeated constitutional amendments. Yee maintained that, on the contrary, the Board usually had to beg people to serve because it was a "thankless job" - "no pay, no glory, but only work." He welcomed the Reformers to work for the Centre, but felt they should not nave split the community or been so critical of the people who had served in the past. Thirdly, the two factions accused each other of having hidden political agendas and fighting for control over the Centre. Chen maintained that the Board of the CCC was dominated by earlier immigrants and some local-born Chinese who were resentful of the newer immigrants. Chen also claimed that the Renewal Committee was more representative of the whole community and was committed to a non-political agenda for the Centre, nei- ther for nor against PRC policies. Yee coun- tered by saying that many Renewal members were involved in the pro-democracy move- ment which was unpopular in the larger Chinese community. He claimed these mem- bers intended to use the CCC's resources to reach people [Chinatown News, Vancouver, Vol.40, No. 11, p. 17]. 18 UPDATE In addition to the above criticisms, some Renewal members also accused the CCC of misusing government funds and. because of its mis-management, causing a sharp decrease in pn\ ate donations. The CCC Board of Directors stated these allegations were ground- less and demanded an apology. While these two groups were engaged in a war of words, 17 independent candidates also signed up to run for the next Board, bring- ing the total number contesting to a record high of 73. Many of these independents were activists in community affairs who wanted to work for the Centre but did not want to take sides in the dispute. However, five of them joined the Reformers group just before the election. As candidates competed to recruit support- ers for the election, the number of CCC members soared in February and March. By March 26. the last day to become eligible members to vote in the election, the CCC had about 7,000 people registered - four to five times the regular number. The importance of the election and its significance within the local Chinese community was noted bj the mainstream press in Vancouver. The Vancouver Sun published three articles on the election, describing the event as a battle between "yuppies" and the "old guards" in the ethnic community. Election Results On April 25 a record number of over 4.000 people voted in the Board elections which last- ed from 8am to 8pm. A sample survey, taken during the voting, showed that the Maintain group kept a steady lead by a ratio of six to four. When the results were released a week later, the Maintain group had won all 31 Board seats, a major victory over the Reformers. First in the poll was Victor Lee, a mechanical engineer at UBC, who garnered the most votes - 2,522. Pius Wong, a restau- rant businessman and a real estate developer, captured the 3 1st seat with 2,362 votes. The most popular Renewal candidate. Dr. Thomas In-sing Leung, director of the Chinese Studies Program at Regent College, collected only 1 ,620 votes, while the top independent candidate obtained less than 1 ,000 votes. Implication of Elections Now that the battle over the CCC diiectoi ship has been settled for the next two years, both sides have begun to to mend their fences. One of the new Board members has suggested that people from the Renewal group form an advisory board so that their concerns can be taken into account. Some Renewal members have also expressed their willingness to work with the new Board. While all election campaigns produce winners and losers, what is most important in these CCC elections, in the writer's opinion, is that the whole community has demonstrat- ed the exercise of individual rights in a demo- cratic election system. Moreover, this election aroused people's enthusiasm in participating in politics - which is often lacking in over- seas Chinese communities, especially in the new immigrant groups. Thus, the larger sig- nificance of this election in participatory democracy is far-reaching. Tommy Tao: NDP Candidate for Vancouver Quadra by Hugh X. Tan Vancouver Tommy Tao. a forty-five year old Chinatown lawyer, was nominated as New Democratic Party (NDP) candidate for Vancouver Quadra in June 1992. thus becom- ing the first Chinese-Canadian nominee in the Greater Vancouver area for the upcoming fed- eral election. His riding, located quite central- ly in the city of Vancouver, stretches from the University of British Columbia in the west to Nanaimo Street in the east. The 1986 census figures show that 102.000 people lived in this multi-ethnic area, including the following groups: Sino-Canadian ( 19%). Indo-Canadian (3.5%). German (3.4%), Jewish (2.1%). and Italian i2'- I. In recent years many new immigrants from Hong Kong. Taiwan, and the PRC have settled here. It is estimated at present that about 25% of the residents are ethnic Chinese, while 60% are Anglo-Canadians. The remainder include South Asians. Vietnamese, Filipinos, and Greeks. This area is not only diversified in ethnic background but also in socio-economic status. Near UBC and in the adjacent area, middle class profes- sionals and technical personnel form the largest group, while in Shaughnessy, one of the most prestigious residential areas in Vancouver, upper-middle and upper class families predominate. Further to the east, the area between Main to Nanaimo Street is largely a working class neighbourhood. The present MP of the riding is Liberal John Turner, who is retiring this year. Edward (Ted) McWhinney, a retired political science professor from Simon Fraser University, has been nominated as the Liberal candidate. Tommy Tao came from Hong Kong in 1968 after the riots there. His initial experience in Canada was not without anxiety and frustra- tion. He first went to study at the Universitj of Toronto, but later changed to an electrical tech- nology school from which he graduated m 1972. He landed his first job in Vancouver as an electrical technician. He later attended night school and also studied at UBC. It was his experience at UBC. he feels, where he began to become more a part of the Canadian way of life and accepted Canadian social values. He made friends w ith Canadians and got involved in student activi- ties. After graduating from UBC with degrees in psychology and law in 1982. he worked in a downtown law firm for several years and eventually started his own firm in Chinatown in 1987. Mr. Tao is married to Marian Leung, who is a payroll consultant. She has been an active supporter of his federal campaign as well as in community affairs. Mr. Tao has been a social activist ever since the mid-1970s when he was still attend- ing UBC. He has served on several boards and committees in Chinese community orga- nizations, as well as in other public groups. Tommy Tao. cont'd page 2: UPDATE 1 9 IMEWS IIM BRIEF I NEWS IN BRI June 4th Commemorated The massacres in Beijing and elsewhere in China on 4 June 1989 were commemorated in Hong Kong and other Chinese communities around the world. The candle-light vigil at Victoria Park in Hong Kong, held during a rainstorm, was attended by a crowd estimated at 40.000 by the organiz- ers, at 1 2,000 by the police, and at 25,000 by the press. The size of the attendance was rather smaller than the 100.000-plus in 1990. the 80.000 in 1991, and the 50.000 in 1992. Nevertheless, given the pas- sage of time since the tragic events, the poor weather conditions, and the vehement attacks by the PRC authorities and local ultra-conserva- tives on pro-democracy activities and sentiments in Hong Kong, it was considered by observers to be still a very strong show of support. There were commemorative marches and candle-light vigils in Toronto and Vancouver, each attended by hundreds of ethnic Chinese and other Canadians. Ministers of the Ontario government participated in the vigil held at the bronze sculpture memorial which was installed last June 4th on the campus of the University of Toronto. Memoirs of Xu Jiatun Since May 4. the World Journal (Shih-chieh Jih-pao), which is wide- ly circulated in Canada, has been publishing instalments of the memoirs of Xu Jiatun, former head of the Xinhua Branch in Hong Kong. 1983- 1989, and de facto representative of Peking in Hong Kong. Xu left China for California in 1990. shortly after the end of his term in Hong Kong. He has subsequently been expelled from the Communist Party of China and denounced as a traitor by the Peking authorities. Xu claims in the first instalment of his memoir that he still regards himself as a socialist and a communist, though now outside the Party. Asian Business Certificate Program During May and June, the Asian Business Studies Program of the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies offered a highly successful Asian Business Certificate Course. The eight, full-day sessions included overviews of the Asia Pacific region and international marketing and a focus on the business environment in specific countries - Japan. Taiwan. Korea, the People's Republic of China. Hong Kong. Thailand and Vietnam. The last two sessions focused on the area of cross-cultur- al effectiveness and negotiations simulation. Speakers included specialists from the academic and business envi- ronment as well as government. For example, at the session on the "Markets of Greater China: Hong Kong and the PRC," Mr. Peter Chen (formerly a professor of Management at Chinese University of Hong Kong and now a private business consultant in Canada) gave a back- ground briefing on Hong Kong. Both he and Mr. Meng Deyi, the Commercial Consul of the Consulate General of the PRC, spoke on the business environment of China. Marketing in Hong Kong was addressed by Mr. Henry Ng, director of the Hong Kong Trade Development Council in Toronto. The session concluded with a fasci- nating discussion by Mr. Tom Yu of UNIFIN International, a Canadian company which exports heat transfer systems for heavy industry, on the challenges faced by his firm in the process of negotiating and "doing business" in China. Newspaper for "Greater China" A new daily newspaper with a unique concept was launched in Hong Kong towards the end of April. The Huanan Jingji Xinwen, or South China Economic Journal, is a Hong Kong-based Chinese lan- guage newspaper which focuses on economic and financial news of the increasingly integrating region of Hong Kong. Macau, Taiwan, and the PRC provinces of Guangdong. Guangxi. Hainan, and Fujian. It promis- es to be a major vehicle for information and analyses on this vast area with a combined population of 170 million and one of the highest eco- nomic growth rates in the world today. The South China Economic Journal is the brainchild of its chief edi- tor. Chan Kai-cheung. Mr. Chan, a media wizard with degrees from Hong Kong and Oxford in engineering, information science, and sociol- ogy, has wide experience as a journalist in North America and television executive in Hong Kong. The paper is published by the Jademan Group, the largest shareholder of which is the Sing Tao Group which also pub- lishes the Sing Tao daily newspapers in Toronto and Vancouver. Toronto Chinese TV Licence Before CRTC The Canadian Radio and Television Commission (CRTC) is consid- ering renewal of the licence of Chinavision, the Chinese language cable television station in Toronto. The station, first founded in the mid- 1980s, has been plagued by financial difficulties under its original own- ers during the last few years. The owners also came under criticism for business dealings with the PRC authorities that resulted in news report- ing allegedly biased in favour of those authorities during the Tiananmen movement of 1989. A consortium, which includes a Netherlands-based subsidiary of Hong Kong Televison Broadcast Company Ltd. (HK-TVB), is seeking CRTC permission to buy the station. The participation of HK-TVB is welcomed by many subscribers as likely to improve the standards of programing. However, very serious concern also has been voiced about the possibility of interference after 1997 by the PRC authorities, via the Hong Kong company, in news and current affairs programs of a Canadian televison station. Golden Palm Award at Cannes Film Festival The Palme d'or for the best film in 1993 was won by the Chinese film. Farewell to My Concubine. It was shared with a New Zealand film. Farewell was made in Beijing by a Mainland director, Chen Kaige. a Taiwanese producer. Hsu Feng, and a cast from Hong Kong and the Mainland, including Hong Kong singer-turned actor Leslie Cheung. It was financed from Hong Kong. This was the first such major collaboration in film-making by the three Chinese communities and the first time that the award has been won by a Chinese-language film. It enjoyed a successful run in Hong Kong but has been banned in both the PRC and Taiwan, mainly for political reasons. 20 UPDATE en TIT nnm ESSE l=ll=lJ Vancouver Policeman Studies in Hong Kong John Cameron, a Vancouver police constable stationed in Chinatow n. went to Hong Kong in April to learn more Cantonese and policing skills at the Royal Hong Kong Police cadet school. He is the first North American policeman to be sent to study in Hong Kong. His air fare was provided by the Vancouver Chinatown Business Association. New President of CCCHK Eliza C.H. Chan was appointed the new president of the Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong on May 29. at the Chamber's annual general meeting. Ms. Chan, a partner at the Hong Kong-based law firm Jewkes & Partners, is a barrister and solicitor qualified to practise law in Hong Kong. England. Wales, and Canada (British Columbia). She has a diploma in People's Republic of China law and acts as a consultant on PRC law. She is also a consultant to Osier Renault Ladner. Canada's largest law firm. Canadian Students Winners of CCCHK Trade Competition Ngai Au and Michael Chan. MBA students at McGill University in Montreal, are winners of the 1992-93 Canada-Hong Kong Trade Competition sponsored by the Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong. Their business plan investigates the possibility of setting up a state-of -the-art public information and commercial advertising system in Hong Kong's Mass Transit Railway. Their submission won in a field of 29 entries from 8 1 graduate-level students across Canada. Their plan involves the use of Visual Communication Network, a Canadian product which features flicker-free animation sequences along with a mixture of text and graphics. With VCN installed on the MTR people would be able to see the latest news, financial informa- tion, and weather reports. VCN would also assist hearing and visually impaired people in station identification. Even emergency message announcements could be made. This competition, now in its 7th year, entails the submission of a business plan which sets up a Canadian product in Hong Kong. Judging is based on understanding of the business environment, inno- vation, viability, depth of research, clarity, and presentation. Thorssen Wins CCCHK's Voyageur Award Bob Thorssen. managing director of SMED Asia Ltd.. is the win- ner of the Canadian Chamber's first Voyageur Award [see Update, no. 9. p.15]. It was presented at the Chamber '.s Spring Ball on May 29 at the Island Shanari-La Hotel. This new award recognizes successful Canadian entrepreneurs in Hong Kong. The name comes from some of Canada's earliest entrepreneurs, the voyageurs, who travelled through the country's lakes and rivers b\ canoe to set up trading posts. "Thorssen truly embodies the spirit behind the award," saj S Harold Mandel, chairman of the Forum Committee which initiated the Voyageur Award. "He took a calculated risk and has now estab- lished a very successful business. He has created a niche for himself in a very competitive market h\ selling unique Canadian products to the Hong Kong market." Thorssen owns 100% of SMED-Asia Ltd.. which buys from sever- al Canadian office furniture manufacturers and imports to Hong Kong. Macau and China. He sells to the end user through his local partner Logic Office Supplies Ltd. His plans for 1993 and 1994 include joint venture factories in China and opening showrooms in Beijing. Shanghai and Xiamen. A native of Calgary. Alberta, Thorssen started SMED Asia in 1989. More than 25 nominations for the award were received, and the criteria forjudging was detailed. Nominee questions included specifics, such as the percentage of revenue derived from sales of Canadian products and/or services, their particular niche in the mar- ket, and their contribution toward the exchange between Canada and Hong Kong business. Canadian Immigration Responsibilities Shifted to Department of Public Security On 25 June. Canada's new Prime Minister. Kim Campbell, announced cabinet changes and reorganization of some federal departments, including Employment and Immigration Canada (EIC). Immigration responsibilities will be divided between two federal departments. Public Security and Human Resources and Labour. Most immigration functions, including policy, selection, and enforce- ment, will now fall under the jurisdiction of a new super ministry, the Department of Public Security, headed by Solicitor-General Doug Lew is. Included in this transfer are also divisions in charge of immi- gration operations and regional offices, international sen ice. and the Business Immigration Program. Responsibility for settlement and levels of immigration will remain in the new Department of Human Resources and Labour, under Minister Bernard Valcourt. Reaction by refugee and immigration groups has been strongly negative. The changes were denounced as an implication by the Tories that "refugees and immigrants are all a danger to this country." An editorial in the Toronto Star [14 July 1993. p.A18] reiterated that the new Prime Minister "thinks immigrants are in the same league as con- victed criminals and potential troublemakers from whom the nation needs protection." It asked the question: "Why must we have an Orwellian agenc> treating immigration as a police or security matter?" UPDATE 21 Tommy TaO, cont'd from page 19 His positions include former director of the Chinese Cultural Centre and the Chinese Benevolent Society, and past Chair of the Special Advisory Committee on Race Relations to the City of Vancouver. Still a member of the latter, he also serves as a trustee of the Vancouver Art Gallery and a member of the Provincial Committee for Police - Visible Minority Relations. A dedicated member of the New Democratic Party, Tommy Tao worked from 1981 to 1987 as a part-time Constituency Assistant to Margaret Mitchell, MP (NDP), Vancouver East. At present, he is a NDP Provincial Council Delegate for Vancouver Kensington. Given his intensive party com- mitments, it was not surprising that he accept- ed the invitation to run for the federal nomi- nation, although not without some hesitation at first. In June last year, he defeated another party candidate, Liz Carr-Harris, and became the NDP nominee for Vancouver Quadra. Due to his long-term involvement with the party, he was able to persuade NDP members, regard- less of their racial background, to support him, rather than depending on recruitment of new supporters from outside. His logic is that if he cannot successfully convince party members to support him. how can he con- vince people in his riding to vote for him in the next federal election? Tommy Tao sees himself first and fore- most as a Canadian candidate, rather than a "Chinese-Canadian" one. In his nomination acceptance speech, he identified his major concerns: protection of the environment, eco- nomic development, national unity, and equality for women, visible minorities, homo- sexuals, and the disabled. He also addressed the unemployment issue and reform of the Canadian tax system. A strong opponent of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Mr. Tao thinks it would only harm Canada's sovereignty and weaken the country's ability to compete in the world economy. He thinks NAFTA is nothing but a "me-too" response to U.S. trade policy, which cannot solve our economic problems. His solution to the econ- omy is to break our habitual dependence on the U.S. market and develop closer trading relations with Asia Pacific and European countries. One way to develop these relations is to use the connections of new immigrants [Sing Tao Daily, 26 May 1993, p. 1 ]. He also appeals to Canadians to stop their reckless exploitation and destruction of the earth's resources. Tommy's focus on national issues does not mean he neglects the concerns of Chinese-Canadians. He has worked hard to clarify some misunderstandings toward the NDP in the ethnic-Chinese community. To this end. he wrote an article, "The Terrible NDP," for Sing Tao Daily, which outlined the differences between the Communist Party in East Asian counties and the Canadian NDP. Regarding the head-tax issue, Mr. Tao sup- ports individual monetary compensation, although he feels the amount is negotiable. He has spoken and written on this topic on many occasions and helped MP Margaret Mitchell to prepare materials for presentation in Parliament. Tommy is also a supporter of the recent Renewal Committee of the Chinese Cultural Centre [see "Maintain or Reform" p. 17ff.). In his federal election campaign. Tommy Tao is running on a motto that stresses "hon- esty": "to make an honest effort, to give an honest answer, and to be honest to the voice of the people as well as to the voice of my conscience." Realizing the importance of keeping in close touch with his constituency. Tommy has made a concerted effort to per- sonally visit many residents in his riding - over 1,500 households by now. Accompanied by one of his assistants, he has enjoyed many in-depth conversations with residents and has valued their opinions, especially criticism toward NDP policies. Seminar on HONG KONG and CHINA Held at UBC A two day seminar on Hong Kong and April 23, AM April 24, AM China was held at the University of "Elections in Hong Kong and the "The Hong Kong Dimension of British Columbia from April 23-24. It Future Relationship with the People's Canada's Foreign Policy" was jointly sponsored by the Canada and Hong Kong Project, the Faculty of Law at UBC, and the Institute of Inter- Republic of China" Speaker: Bernard Luk, York University April 23, PM Speaker: Kim Nossal, McMaster University About forty people from government, the academic world, and the private national Relations, UBC. The program- "Hong Kong's Pro-China Groups" sector attended the seminar. me consisted of the following topics: Speaker: Willy Wo-lap Lam, South China Morning Post A second seminar on Hong Kong and China will be held at UBC in February 1994. 22 UPDATE "City" by Louise S. W. Ho Chinese University of Hong Kong No fingers claw at the bronze gauze Of a Hong Kong December dusk, Only a maze of criss-crossing feet That enmeshes the city In a merciless grid. Between many lanes Of traffic, the street-sleeper Carves out his island home. Or under the thundering fly-over. Another makes his peace of mind. Under the staircase, By the public lavatory, A man entirely unto himself Lifts his hand And opens his palm. His digits Do not rend the air, They merely touch As pain does, effortlessly. On 3 June, Louise S.W. Ho gave a poetry reading and talk at York University in Toronto. Her presentation was jointly sponsored by the Canada and Hong Kong Project and the English Department at York. Ms. Ho, a lecturer in the English Department at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, teaches Shakespeare and 17th and 18th century poetry. She is one of few - perhaps, the only - Hong Kong Chinese poet writing in English. Many of her poems and other recent writings are concerned with the cultural identity of language as well as Hong Kong peoples' perception of their identity as "Chinese." Speaking about the predicament of a Chinese poet writing in English instead of in Cantonese or Mandarin, she felt that living across languages and cultures enhanced creativity: "Inspiration is found at the interface between the two." UPDATE 23 Basic Reference Works on Hong Kong There is a large and rapidly growing body of serious literature in English on the eco- nomics, politics, and history of Hong Kong. Many of these books are of a high quality. They also tend to be rather specialized in approach. For the general reader whose work is relat- ed in one way or another to the evolving situa- tion in Hong Kong, reliable and up-to-date ref- erence tools, which provide quick references and overviews before one approaches the more specialized books, are clearly a necessity. The following are some reference works which should be of value to those with a more than casual interest in Hong Kong. Historical Dictionary of Hong Kong and Macau. Elfred Vaughan Roberts, Sum Ngai Ling, and Peter Bradshaw, eds. Asian Historical Dictionaries series, no. 10. Metuchen, NJ and London: The Scarecrow Press, 1992. xlvii, 357 pages ISBN: 0-8108-2574-0 In spite of its title, the emphasis of this book is on the post- World War II period, and especially the past two decades. Four-fifths of the book is devoted to Hong Kong; the remain- der covers Macau. A lengthy introduction gives a comprehen- sive, if not altogether satisfactory, synopsis of Hong Kong history. A carefully selected bibli- ography guides the reader through books and articles on the history, politics and administra- tion, economy, society, crime, religion, law, biographies, company histories, newspapers and periodicals, bibliographies, and statistics. There are also a brief chronology and a few statistical tables. The most useful part is the dictionary itself, which forms the bulk of the book. It is made up of more than 200 pages of entries, in alpha- betical order, on names and terms in the histo- ry and recent developments of Hong Kong. The entries are strongest on political and con- stitutional matters, adequate on the economy, and rather thin on society, culture, and person- alities. Nevertheless, they provide clear, read- able, and usually accurate explanations of many aspects of Hong Kong. The period of coverage extends from the Neolithic to the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law. The inclusion of many intricate and intriguing terms related to those two documents of the 1997 transition should make this book of par- ticular interest to the readers of the Canada and Hong Kong Update. Hong Kong (World Bibliographical Series, vol. 115). Ian Scott, comp. Oxford: Clio Press, 1990. xxiii, 248 pages. ISBN: 1-85109-089-4 This bibliography, compiled by the Canadian head of the Political Science Department of Hong Kong University, is the most up-to-date and comprehensive, one-vol- ume guide to the literature in English on Hong Kong. By its nature it cannot be as rich or as full in coverage as the more specialized bibli- ographies, nor does it contain references to works in Chinese or other languages. Nevertheless, with more than eight hundred annotated entries in thirty different areas, it should prove to be very helpful for studying Hong Kong. The books, articles, and periodicals cited are divided into the following areas: the territo- ry and its people, geography, flora and fauna, archaeology and prehistory, history, popula- tion, urban society and social problems, reli- gion, law, administration, politics, the econo- my, transport, social services, health and medi- cal services, housing, the environment, educa- tion, science and technology, language, litera- ture, the arts, architecture, libraries, museums and archives, sports and recreation, mass media, directories, bibliographies, and statis- tics. The annotations after each entry are often quite detailed and informative. There are also indices of authors, titles, and subjects to facili- tate the use of the bibliography. Hong Kong 1993: a Review of 1992. Hong Kong: Government Printer, 1993. 479 pages (English ed.) ISBN: 962-02-0125-6 This is the latest annual volume of the Hong Kong Government yearbooks which, in the pre- sent series, go back twenty years. Rich in facts and figures and beautifully illustrated, it is the best one volume guide to the organization, pro- grams, and activities of the government and of the government's view of major events during the past year. Over the decades, the series of yearbooks (and their predecessors, the Annual Reports) are useful for providing a great deal of information and insights on long term trends of administrative, economic, social, and cultural development in Hong Kong. The yearbook is organized in chapters which correspond more or less to the adminis- trative departments of the government. There are numerous appendices covering the Executive and Legislative Councils, Hong Kong's overseas representation, and statistics on many subjects. The Other Hong Kong Report. (Four volume set) Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1989-92. Includes: The Other Hong Kong Report. [1989] T.L. Tsim & B.H.K. Luk, eds. xxxv, 395 pages. ISBN: 962-201-430-5 The Other Hong Kong Report 1990. Richard Y.C. Wong & Joseph Y.S. Cheng, eds.; xxviii, 579 pages. ISBN: 962-201-494-1 The Other Hong Kong Report 1991. Sung Yun-wing & Lee Ming-kwan, eds. xxvii, 541 pages. ISBN: 962-201-538-7 The Other Hong Kong Report 1992. Joseph Y.S. Cheng & Paul C.K. Kwong, eds.; 462 pages. ISBN: 962-201-563-8 The first of these reports was published in the aftermath of the Tiananmen massacre in Beijing and the consequent crisis of confi- dence in Hong Kong. It was intended to pro- vide an alternative, critical, and more readable survey of Hong Kong society and government policies during the late 1980s. It followed the basic organization of the government year- book. Each chapter was written by an expert, usually from the local universities, on the social sector or government department con- cerned. The series which developed out of that first effort has established itself as a standard refer- ence. Valued for its annually updated facts and figures, as well as for its usually thoughtful and cogent analyses of issues and trends, each volume has found its place on the non-fiction bestseller lists in Hong Kong. The later volumes no longer follow the basic organization of the government yearbook but are structured around social sectors and topical themes. There is relatively little repeti- tion from year to year since often different authors were called upon to write on the same topic from one volume to the next. Taken together, the four volumes contain some one- hundred independently written essays which describe and dissect Hong Kong society and government from the mid-1980s to the early 1990s. A fifth volume covering 1993. edited by Dora P.K. Choi. et. al, is under preparation and should appear later in the year. ^ It, kin. Ill km- 5 Number 11 CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE ** Vc m % m m. WINTER 1994 Raymond Chan Elected to Parliament Appointed Secretary of State In the Canadian federal election last October. Liberal Party candidate Raymond Cheuk-yu Chan was elected Member of Parliament for Richmond, B.C., a suburb of Vancouver [see Update, no.9, Spring 1993, p. 13]. He polled over 21,000 votes - almost 4.000 more than the Reform Party candidate and 10.000 more than the incumbent MP, Tom Siddon (Progressive Conservative). Mr. Chan is the third Chinese-Canadian elected to Parliament and the first bom in Hong Kong. He was elected on his forty-second birthday, twenty-four years after he arrived in Canada. Before his election Mr. Chan was an engineer at TRIUMF, the scientific research facility housed at the University of British Columbia. Raymond Chan's political life began when he became a leader in the overseas pro- Raymond Chan addressing a Liberal rally with Aline and Jean Chretien (Aberdeen Centre. Richmond, B.C.) Chan con ,. d on ^ 2 Unfolding Drama of Hong Kong-PRC Political Relations by Bernard Luk York University When Governor Chris Patten delivered his first policy address in the Legislative Council (Legco) in October 1992. he pro- posed limited democratization of Hong Kong's political system. Patten's constitu- tional package enjoyed the support of a large majority of public opinion in Hong Kong. However, the proposals and Patten personally were vehemently attacked by the officials of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in charge of Hong Kong affairs. The attacks led to a violent down swing in the Hong Kong stock market and a sense of political as well as economic uncertain!) b> the end of the year. [See Update, no.9. Spring 1993. pp. 1-4.] The attacks continued during the first months of 1993. By April. Patten indicated that since no counterproposals were forth- coming from the PRC. he was ready to table his package in Legco. Shortly afterwards, it was announced that PRC and UK diplo- mats would meet in Beijing to discuss Unfolding, cont'd on page 2 IN THIS ISSUE: Raymond Chan Elected to Parliament Appointed Secretary' of State 1 Unfolding Drama of Hong Kong-PRC Political Relations 1 1992 and 1993 - Applications and Visas, HKCLPR 4 Image of the Queen Phased Out of Coinage 5 NAFTA. APEC. and GATT 5 Recent Developments in the Hong Kong Slock Market 6 per F1029.5 H6 C36 Anita Mui 6 Metro-Toronto Week in Hong Kong 7 Martin Lee Visits Toronto 7 Chinese Christian Churches in Metro Toronto 9 Zoning Controversies in Vancouver 11 Eleanor Ng: Marketing Chinese Software 12 John Cameron: Police Officer with 3000 Cantonese Words 12 Hong Kong Visitors to Vancouver 14 Hong Kong Economic & Trade Office in Toronto Moves Into New Headquarters 14 Ming Pao Daily Newspapers 15 "Red Capitalism": CBC-TV Documentary Special on Shenzhen 15 Hong Kong Vicar General Visits Scarboro Foreign Missions 15 New Project Publication 16 CANADA AND HONG KONG UPDATE Editors Diana Lary Bernard Luk Janet A. Rubinoff Illustration & IMS Creative Design Communications Contributors Fatima Lee Katharyne Mitchell Joanne Poon Pauline Shum Hugh X. Tan Canada and Hong Kong Update is published 3-4 times a year by the Canada and Hong Kong Project Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies. Suite 270. York Lanes, York University, 4700 Keele St., North York. Ontario, CANADA M3J 1 P3 Telephone: (416) 736-5784 Fax:(416)736-5688 Opinions expressed in this newsjoumal are those of the author alone. CANADA AND HONG KONG PROJECT Co-Directors Diana Lary Bernard Luk Coordinator Janet A. Rubinoff Advisory Board David Bond Mary Catherine Boyd Denise Chong Maurice Copithorne B. Michael Frolic John Higginbotham Graeme McDonald Jules Nadeau William Saywell Wang Gungwu Articles may be reprinted in whole or in part with appropriate credit to the Canada and Hong Kong Update. We want to thank the Donner Canadian Foundation for its very generous support which has made this project possible. The Foundation's long-standing interest in Canada's international relations with Asia has enabled us to conduct research which we consider to be of great significance for the future of the country. This publication is free. Please call or write to us for past or future issues. Chan, cont'd from page 1 democracy movement for China, after the Peking Massacre in 1989. He organized and was elected chairman of the Vancouver Society in Support of Democratic Movement [see Update, no.5. Fall 1991. p.15]. In January 1991 he led an international human rights delegation to Beijing to help focus attention on the secret trials of pro-democra- cy activists. Wang Juntao and Chen Ziming. He was expelled from China at that time. In 1992 he headed a campaign that helped dissi- dents Liu Yijun and Lin Lin obtain refugee status in Canada. After his election. Mr. Chan was appoint- ed Secretary of State for Asia and the Pacific, a new junior ministerial position within the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (formerly External Affairs and International Trade Canada). Chan's experience in Asia and his knowledge of Mandarin and Cantonese combine to give him a special interest in dealing with Asia and the Pacific and to give Canada a new kind of visibility in the region. Unfolding, cont'd from page 1 issues related to elections in Hong Kong during the remaining years of British sovereignty. The talks were to remain secret, and Hong Kong would not be represented by its own delegation. [See Update, no.10. Summer 1993, pp. 1-5] Results of Sino-British Negotiations From April to November, the constitution- al talks between the two sovereign powers went on diligently for seventeen rounds and brought forth nothing. If it had been the intention of PRC officials to kill the Patten proposals by stalling them, as some commen- tators suggested, they succeeded in eroding away one of the four years in which relatively democratic processes could have taken root. The fact that Beijing was prepared to talk, rather than to allow Patten's reforms to mate- rialize and then to abolish them in 1997 as it has often threatened to do, lends credence to the suggestion that it does not dare to risk the psychological and economic trauma of turn- ing back the political clock. Amidst signs of increasing frustration on both sides of the negotiating table, the foreign ministers of the two sovereign powers met during the summer and agreed to speed up the discussions. The approach adopted was to tackle the easier questions first in order to Mr. Chan's election received a very posi- tive response from the local Chinese- Canadian community in Vancouver, including a dinner for 300 guests held in his honour by the Sing Too newspaper. Community leaders expressed the opinion that Mr. Chan was an "ideal person" to be put in charge of Asia- Pacific affairs and that his election was an important step for Chinese-Canadians to partici- pate in the decision making at the federal level. In November he accompanied Prime Minister Jean Chretien to the APEC confer- ence in Seattle, USA. At a briefing to the Chinese language media in Vancouver, he indicated that he had met with officials from the PRC, Taiwan, and Hong Kong to discuss future economic cooperation. In January 1994, Mr. Chan visited Hong Kong where he met many local leaders, including the governor, Chris Patten. He paid a private visit to his ancestral place in Guangdong. His mission to Asia, designed to promote trade and establish high-level con- tacts for the new government, also included official visits to Japan and Thailand. ♦ achieve some agreements, leaving the thornier issues for later. By late October, it was reported that the two sides were close to a compromise that would be a considerably diluted version of the original package. However, no such compromise was reached; and after the seventeenth round in late November, the two sides did not even agree on a date for the next meeting. According to reports, one of the seemingly easy questions on which the talks floundered was the issue of "how many seats to each rid- ing" in direct elections to Legco. It was reported that the UK delegation had proposed a "single seat, single vote" arrange- ment: that is. each riding would have one seat in the legislature, and each voter could cast one vote. The candidate that wins the largest number of the votes cast would win the seat. Such an arrangement is widely adopted in democratic systems around the world and enjoys consensual support in Hong Kong, where it is considered as an improvement on the "two seats, two votes" plan used in the first (and so far only) Legco election in 1991. What PRC officials are said to prefer is a "multi-seat, single vote" arrangement. Each riding would have, for example, three seats. Unfolding, cont'd on page 3 2 UPDATE hut each voter would be allowed only one vote. The candidates who win the first, sec- ond, and third largest number of votes would win the seats. Such an arrangement, no doubt, would allow more voters to have their candidates of choice sent to the legislature. However, with- in the chamber itself, the member who enjoys, say, 60% support in the riding would have only half the combined w eight of the other two members who together have only, say, 30' I support in the same riding. Such an arrangement is defended in Hong Kong main- ly by the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB), the party of pro-Communist teachers and unionists. "Multi-seat, single vote" is a design to frustrate the expression of the popular will. To insist on such an arrangement is consistent with the PRC tactic since the mid-1980s to obfuscate public opinion in Hong Kong about democracy and representative institutions. Reforms Tabled in Legco In early December, Governor Patten announced to Legco that he would soon table part of the constitutional package in the Council, while hoping that Beijing would agree to negotiate the remainder. PRC offi- cials accused Patten of scuttling the talks and threatened to publish records of the negotia- tions which, they said, would show Hongkongans the hypocrisy of the British. Patten's press secretary retorted with the chal- lenge to publish the full minutes of all the rounds. As the Update goes to press, no doc- ument has been published by either side, nor is there any sign that the talks would resume. As the first batch of proposals went through first and second readings in Legco in mid December. Hong Kong officials indicat- ed that if talks were not resumed, the remain- ing proposals would most likely be tabled in the spring, so that they could be made law in time for the local elections in 1994 and the Legco elections in 1995. Popular Support for Proposals During the fifteen months since Patten first put forward his package, public opinion polls have consistently shown that about one- third of Hongkongans support greater democ- ratization no matter what Beijing says, while another third prefer to have more democracy if it could be enjoyed without a confrontation with PRC authorities. Only about one-tenth to one-fifth are opposed to democracy. As the talks between the PRC and the UK dragged on month after month without an) visible results, the Hong Kong public became more and more disillusioned with the prospects. However, with the breakdown of the talks and Patten's subsequent tabling of part of the proposals, his personal ratings in the polls have shown an upward trend. There is widespread support in Legco as well as in the community for some kind of democratic reform to proceed, even at the risk of their being dismantled after 1997. Patten himself came close to what might be calling Beijing's bluff, when he said he did not believe Beijing would find it wise to disband a popularly elected Legco the moment it assumes sovereign authority over Hong Kong. Stock Market Reaction Meanwhile, the stock market reacted to the breakdown of the talks as if that did not matter. Throughout 1993, the market boomed on the strength of the expanding economies of both Hong Kong and China. By mid- December, the Hang Seng Index stood at twice the value that it had a year before, when PRC officials launched the most heated attacks on Patten. In fact, it is often said that investors have become so accustomed to fire- works between the two sovereign powers that they simply discount such political factors in their assessment of the market. Furthermore, it is generally believed in the market and in the community that PRC agencies, officials, and their relatives and friends are so heavily involved in the Hong Kong stock market that they would be wary about the financial reper- cussions of diplomatic rows. Impact on Economy PRC officials at various levels have pub- licly stated that they would not allow the con- stitutional disagreements to affect the economy, and there are good reasons to believe them. At the same time, both the Sino-British Joint Liaison Group (JLG) and the meetings on the Port and Airport Development Scheme have been making excruciatingly slow progress, with significant implications for Hong Kong's long-term economic development. The JLG is the ambassadorial-level work- ing party responsible for negotiating the details of the transfer of sovereignty from the UK to the PRC, as well as the future of Hong Kong's external relations. At present, a sig- nificant proportion of Hong Kong's statute law. including much of the law for the eco- nomic structure, consists of an extension ot British legislation which would automatical!) lose authority with the change of sovereignty, The territory would face a legal vacuum if those acts of Parliament are not made into ordinances by Legco before 1997. Similarly, Hong Kong has established many links with foreign countries and interna- tional bodies as a British dependent territory. Many of these links which are vital to the terri- tory's economy would be lost in 1997 if they are not replaced by agreements made in Hong Kong's own name or made by the PRC on behalf of Hong Kong. Both kinds of discus- sions have been very bogged down in the JLG. Where the new airport is concerned, the Hong Kong government has been proceeding with such engineering works as are within its own means. Site formation at Chek Lap Kok. as well as roads and bridges linking the site to the rest of Hong Kong, have progressed w ith typical Hong Kong speed. However, the works will soon reach a stage when it becomes necessary to secure Beijing's bless- ing, in order for financing to be arranged with the private sector. That blessing has been withheld, for one reason or another, despite the Memorandum of Understanding reached between the prime ministers of the PRC and the UK in 1 99 1 . There is concern that the air- port project will be held hostage to the consti- tutional reforms. Since the breakdown of the talks, some members of the public have called for the Hong Kong government to con- sider completing the project from its own financial reserves. PRC Preparatory Work Committee If PRC officials have been slow in cooper- ation over matters relating to Hong Kong's long-term economic development, they have been quick in making political moves to counter the proposed reforms for more democracy. A preparatory work committee was appointed by Beijing during the summer [see Update, no. 10, Summer 1993, p. 5] to study the specific steps to be adopted by the PRC for the takeover in 1997 (or before 1997, as some officials threaten). It was antic- ipated that some members of the committee may be named to the new government after the transfer of sovereignty. The committee was instructed to speed up its work after the breakdown of the talks. However, the committee, consisting of PRC officials. pro-Communist elements from Hong Kong, and former British-appointed Unfolding, cont'd on page 4 UPDATE 3 Unfolding, cont'd from page 3 political figures who are opposed to democra- tization, does not enjoy much credibility in Hong Kong. Within the committee itself, one pro-Communist member has outspokenly regretted having to rub shoulders with knight- ed minions of British imperialism! If the committee is to gain more credibility by broadening its membership, it runs the risk of greater cleavages within its own ranks. This is a problem inherent in the PRC strategy towards Hong Kong of building a united front made up of conservative business elements and long-time Party loyalists. In other areas, the united front strategists have set up an all-Hong Kong women's group, under the leadership of women who had never worked for, or had been opposed to, women's rights. A major plank in the platform of the group is to uphold the Basic Law, which is a code word for opposing democratic reforms. And the DAB, the pro-Communist Hong Kong party, is planning to establish youth wings on university campuses. Hong Kong Media In the area of press freedom, two signifi- cant developments this past fall were found inauspicious by many Hongkongans. Mr. Xi Yang, a reporter for the prestigious Hong Kong Chinese-language newspaper. Ming Pao, was arrested on the Mainland by State Security for allegedly divulging state secrets in his story on retrenchment of PRC banking. He has been held incommunicado and with- out trial since then, in spite of repeated appeals by his employers and by a number of leading figures of international journalism. At about the same time, it was announced that the Murdoch group had decided to sell its stake in the South China Morning Post to the Kuok family. The Post is one of the most influ- ential newspapers in Hong Kong and perhaps the most important English-language newspa- per in eastern Asia. It had been unflinching in its reporting on developments in Hong Kong and the PRC. Its new owners, the Kuok family, are Malaysian Chinese billionaires with close ties to top-level leaders in Beijing and no previ- ous interests in newspapers. ♦ 1992 and 1993 - Applications and Visas, HKCLPR by Diana Lary UBC, Vancouver Applications The decline in the number of applications for landed immigrant status in Canada from people whose country of last permanent resi- dence was Hong Kong (HKCLPR) has not been reversed. While over 46,000 applied in 1991, only 26,678 applied in 1992. Figures for 1993 are still incomplete, but look similar to 1992's. More striking than the overall decline is the change in the places where applications are made. Until 1991 the great majority of applicants applied in Hong Kong. That pro- portion declined to a little over two-thirds in both 1992 and 1993. The most common rea- sons for making applications away from Hong Kong are convenience (an applicant is living away from Hong Kong already) and speed of processing (the processing time is often shorter at posts other than Hong Kong). The majority of applications not filed in Hong Kong were made in the USA, often in places close to the Canadian border. The number of applications made at other posts in Asia is quite low, as is the number made in Australia. 1991 39712 (86%) 681 379 1091 211 291 302 338 278 495 376 52 90 541 539 127 LOO 40 244 327 6502 (14%) Total 46214 » lo November. 1993 Hong Kong Seattle New York Buffalo Chicago Atlanta Detroit Singapore Boston Los Angeles Dallas Tokyo Minneapolis London Rome Sydney Bangkok Bogota Mexico City Other Total (Non Hong Kong) 1992 18458 (69%) 521 478 1384 375 1167 385 294 279 520 222 22 74 752 480 36 43 76 373 709 8220 (31%) 1993* 18123 (69%) 669 540 2476 189 695 299 147 131 428 168 II 10 938 23 9 89 162 546 626 8176 (31%) 26678 26299 These figures represent the number of individuals involved and are roughly three times the number of cases involved. The total number of cases for 1991 was 14,500, for 1992 9,496, and for 1993 9,829. Applications by class The composition of the applicant group is changing. The proportion of people applying as independent immigrants went up substan- tially in 1993, indicating a large increase in the number of people who feel qualified to apply under the points system. Family Class Refugees Assisted relatives Business Retired Independent Total * lo November 1993 1992 9214(35%) 10 4695(18%) 6254 (23%) 75 3430(13%) 26678 1993* 1916(7%) 2 11526(44%) 4009(15%) 183 8663 (33%) 26299 Visas issued. Hong Kong CLPR While the number of applications has declined, the number of visas issued contin- ues to rise. Visas issued are the product of applications made some time before, in some cases as much as two years. Here too, the proportion of visas issued to people from Hong Kong at posts other than Hong Kong continues to rise. Again the bulk of visas not issued in Hong Kong were issued at posts in the USA. 4 UPDATE Visas Issued: HKCLPR 1991 1992 1993* Hong Kong 25977 29836 27430 (889 ' (829 1 (78%) Seattle 508 458 655 New York 346 522 411 Buffalo 707 1391 1755 Chicago 48 177 418 Atlanta 106 421 729 Detroit 247 328 292 Singapore 169 440 410 Boston 222 248 233 Los Angeles 132 326 366 Dallas 274 282 332 Tokyo 16 13 50 Minneapolis 90 77 57 London 206 395 751 Rome 20 447 304 Sydney 24 46 31 Bangkok 12 36 70 Bogota 36 72 Mexico City 174 292 321 Other 440 514 1543 Total (Non Hong Kong) 3643 6449 7803 (12%) (18%) (22 f t) Total ** 29620 36285 35233 • to November 1993 ** These figures do nol include landings from applications made in Canada, which would be quite small in number. Source: Employment and Immigration Canada. ▼ Image of the Queen Phased Out of Coinage During the summer of 1993. new coins were issued in Hong Kong on which the image of the Queen was replaced by the bauhinia, the city flower of Hong Kong. The new design was approved by the Sino-British Joint Liaison Group (JLGl on the transfer oi sovereignty. It is expected that the old design will be phased out over the next few years. Earlier, the word "colony" had been removed from the designs of banknotes. In Hong Kong, there is no central bank. Notes are issued by two private banks. Hong Kong Bank and The Chartered Bank, under regulations instituted by the Hong Kong Government. The two banks will soon be joined by The Bank of China, the state-operated foreign exchange bank of the People's Republic. ♦ Illustration by Derek A. Rubinoff NAFTA, APEC, and GATT The news of the final adoption of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) by the U.S. and Canadian governments in November was received in Hong Kong u ith cautious optimism. While it was expected that NAFTA would help the economic recovery of both the United States and Canada - important trading partners of Hong Kong - there was also the concern that the agreement might lead in the longer term towards a "Fortress North America" with protectionist policies against the western shores of the Pacific Ocean. At the same time, there was a certain amount of dis- cussion about increasing Hong Kong*s invest- ments in all three NAFTA countries to take advantage of the enlarged market. The Asia Pacific Economic Conference (APEC) summit that took place in Seattle in late November almost saw Hong Kong left out of its proceedings. APEC was first convened in 1989 as an inter-governmental meeting of the "economies." rather than the "states." of the Pacific Rim. As an autonomous and active economy. Hong Kong has always taken part in the deliberations of the Conference. In fact. Hong Kong, the People's Republic of China (PRC). and Taiwan simultaneously became members of the Conference in 1991, the first time all three major Chinese communities were admitted to any international forum together as separate and equal members. However, when the United States issued invitations for a summit meeting of APEC last summer, the PRC objected to the participation of Hong Kong and Taiwan, since in its view these two are not sovereign states and have no place in a meeting of heads of governments. This was consistent with PRC policy to exclude Hong Kong and Taiwan as much as possible from international governmental organizations, while not objecting to their par- ticipation in strictly functional activities. In the end. Hong Kong and Taiwan were represented at the ministerial level, while other members sent their heads of government. Canada was represented by Prime Minister Jean Chretien and Secretary of State (Asia Pacific Affairs) Raymond Chan - the first exercise in high diplomacy since the new Liberal government came into office. Commenting on Canada's role in APEC. the chairman of the Hong Kong Trade Development Council who was a participant invited by the Conference, said that Canada was fortunate in being uniquely endowed with a large pool of citizens of Asian origin who could contribute their expertise, experience, and connections. The successful conclusion of the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement of Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in December was widely celebrated in both Canada and Hong Kong. Hong Kong has played an active and construc- tive part in GATT since first becoming a con- tracting party in its own right in 1986. As the tenth largest trading entity in the world in terms of the value of its merchandise trade and as an open and externally-oriented economy. Hong Kong stands to gain much from the fur- ther opening of global trade. ♦ UPDATE 5 Recent Developments in the Hong Kong Stock Market The Hong Kong stock market is undoubt- edly one of the hottest stock markets in the world right now. The blue-chip Hang Seng index soared 3,539.83 points (or 50.36%) in four and a half months, from 7,029.03 in the beginning of August, to a record high of 10,568.86 on 17 December, 1993. Summary statistics for the daily index for each month (August to December, 1993) as well as the entire period are reported in Table 1 . The boost in August came mainly from encouraging corporate interim reports and the expectation that there would be progress in talks between China and Britain on the long-stalled new air- port project. In September, the mar- ket was quiet, espe- cially compared with the record surge in October during which the Hang Seng index gained 24.34%. Also, on October 18. the Hang Seng index broke the 9,000 level for the first time. Profit-taking halted the upward trend in November. The market bounced back quickly in December, reaching another all-time high and breaking through the once formidable 10,000 level on 10 December 1993. A record $11.94 billion H.K. ($1.53 billion U.S.) changed hands on the same day. What differentiates the recent bull run from previous ones is the extent of foreign by Pauline Shum Department of Economics, York University, Toronto influence. Particularly in the U.S. and Japan, sluggish economic growth, low interest rates, and high price-earning ratios have forced investors to seek opportunities abroad in search of better returns. Consequently, an unprecedented amount of overseas money has been poured into the Hong Kong stock market. Asian Pacific mutual funds with a sub- stantial share in Hong Kong stocks have become the hottest item for both American and Canadian investors. In fact, the record Table 1 Summary Statistics Daily Hang Seng Index 2 August 199: to 17 December 1993 Period Mean Std. Dev. Minimum Maximum % Change 1 August 7,383.30 138.79 7,029.03 7.605.26 7.30 September 7.518.05 67.08 7,390.60 7,676.22 2.68 October 8,542.01 452.29 7.744.32 9,329.09 24.34 November 9,339.12 243.21 8,996.93 9.733.34 -3.90 December 2 9,863.49 431.37 9,238.20 10,568.86 14.21 Full sample 8,416.71 987.31 7,029.03 10,568.86 50.36 1 Month-to-month percentage change. 2 Ends on 17 December 1993. surge in October was considered by many analysts to have been sparked by Morgan Stanley emerging-markets strategist Barton Biggs, who declared himself "maximum bullish" on China at the end of September. Mr. Biggs 's ringing endorsement of China- related Hong Kong stocks helped ignite the big rally. However, on November 17, Mr. Biggs unexpectedly changed his tune and warned investors that it was time to lighten up on Hong Kong stocks. The next day the Hang Seng index fell 1.8%. This sudden change of heart after only seven weeks led to accusations by internation- al clients, who argued that Mr. Biggs and other global investors should be more long- term in their perspectives. Nonetheless, investors did not seem to be put off for long. The Hang Seng index staged a major come- back back in December, reaching 10,568.86 on 17 December 1993, the highest level ever. Foreign investment remains a major factor. This time around, the Japanese and Europeans led the pack and bought prominently. It is hard to say when the current stock market boom will end. as foreign investors continue to shrug off worries over China's overheated economy and the political uncer- tainty in Hong Kong after seventeen rounds of fruitless Sino-British negotiations on electoral reforms. Therefore, the only real concern particularly for local investors is: when will these aggressive for- eign fund managers decide to pull out? ♦ Editor's Note: At the time we went to press, the stock market peaked at a record 12,201 .09 points on January 4 and fell sharply two days later. The market continues to fluctuate between 10,000 - 11 .000 points. Anita Mui When she arrived in Toronto in November 1993 to give a charity concert [Update, no. 10. Summer 1993, p. 12]. Hong Kong pop star Anita Mui was told by local immigration officials that her fre- quent absences from Canada had invali- dated her landed immigrant status, and that she was no longer entitled to resi- dence in Canada. She was told that if she wanted to renew her landed immigrant status, she would have to start the process of immigration from the beginning. Her subsequent appeal failed, and she has now given up hope of becoming Canadian. Mui's life as a pop star in Hong Kong has made it difficult for her to fulfill Canadian residency requirements, which require immigrants to spend the bulk of their time in Canada. Mui rose to success from a poor back- ground. Her great achievement has not made her recent life easy. In 1992 she went through a difficult period after the murder of film maker Wong Long Kai. in an incident which appeared to involve organized crime. She then spent six months away from Hong Kong, before returning with considerable publicity to resume her career there [South China Morning Post, 14 November 1992]. Other Hong Kong celebrities have set- tled in Canada, among them Leslie Cheung, who spent several years in Canada after leaving his life as a Hong Kong pop idol. He has now re-emerged as an actor and was most recently seen in Chen Kaige's much praised film Farewell My Concubine [see Update, no. 10, Summer 1993. p. 20]. ♦ 6 UPDATE Metro-Toronto Week in Hong Kong In response to Festival Hong Kong '92. sponsored by the Hong Kong Government across Canada last year (Sept.-Oct. 1992), the Council of the Municipality of Metropolitan Toronto organized a Metro-Toronto Week in Hong Kong during 28 November to 4 December 1993. The Torontonian delegations totalled more than two hundred members, and were led by Mr Alan Tonks. Chairman of Metro Council. The activities in Hong Kong were coordinated by Mr Andrew Szende. for- mer Ontario Agent there [see Update, no. 9, Spring 1993. p. 15]. Most of the members of the delegation were from the business sector and included representatives from architectural, electronics, environmental technologies and building materials companies. Emphasizing the promo- tion of Metro Toronto as a major investment and trade centre, the week-long activities included trade displays, education and invest- ment seminars, and cultural exchange pro- grams. These meetings were useful in promot- ing and maintaining contacts between Metro and Hong Kong business people. The busi- ness delegation also hosted a gala black-tie dinner for Hong Kong's business community. There were a number of delegates from Metro's education sector, representing the Toronto Board of Education, all four commu- nity colleges, and Ryerson Polytechnical Institute. A video and pamphlet, entitled "Education in Metro Toronto." were prepared and displayed at a reception hosted by Metro delegates. Two educational seminars were held, one at the Canadian Commission and the other at the Hong Kong Education Department's Study Abroad Unit. Questions raised included: the necessity for Ontario aca- demic credits (OAC) for the entry of Hong Kong graduates into Ontario universities, the problem of obtaining information on Metro schools, and the safety of the school environ- ment for Hong Kong students. Ms Tarn Goossen. a trustee of the Toronto Board of Education, was also invited to speak at The Chinese University of Hong Kong on "Multiculturalism and Education in Toronto" and on "Chinese Canadian Participation in the 1993 Federal Election". The academic delegations from the University of Toronto and York University were charged with exploring areas for collab- oration or exchange in research. The University of Toronto was represented by Acting Vice President-Research and International Relations Derek Corneil. Professors David Blostein (English), Marion Bogo (Dean, Faculty of Social Work). Robert Sharpe (Dean. Faculty of Law). Paul Thompson (Principal. Scarborough College and Environmental Studies), and Mr. Thomas Wu (senior advisor. Institute of International Programs). York University was represented b} Professors Jamie Cameron ( law ). Bryan Massam and Alex Murray (both from em iron mental studies and urban studies), and Peter Mitchell and Bernard Luk (both from history and humanities.) Vice-President Ian Lithgow also took part in some of the activities. The academic delegates met with their counterparts in workshops at Hong Kong University and The Chinese University of Hong Kong, and had some very stimulating and fruitful discussions, especially on envi- ronmental and urban research, on legal con- nections or comparisons between Canada and Hong Kong, and on gerontology. Ways to promote Canadian studies in Hong Kong and Hong Kong studies in Canada were dicussed. The delegates also visited The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. The City Polytechnic of Hong Kong, and other institutions. It is anticipated that a number of concrete projects will be developed out of these contacts. The Hong Kong chapters of the alumni associations of the University of Toronto and York University hosted receptions for their respective delegations. These groups are among the largest and most active chapters of their respective alumni associations, outside Metro-Toronto. Martin Lee Visits Toronto fry Janet A. Rubinoff Toronto In late November. Martin Chu-ming Lee. member of the Hong Kong Legislative Council and leader of the United Democrats of Hong Kong, came to Canada on a private visit. When in Toronto, he was hosted Monday. November 29. by the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, the Canada and Hong Kong Project, and the Institute for International Programmes (U. of T). In the afternoon Mr. Lee gave a seminar for York students and faculty on "Issues Related to Constitutional Development in Hong Kong." In the evening, he addressed a public seminar at U. of T. on "Hong Kong at the Crossroads." It was well attended by an audi- ence of Canadian and Hong Kong academics and students. During the two seminars. Mr. Lee made a strong plea, in a calm but passionate manner, for the establishment of democratic institu- tions in Hong Kong before 1997 in order to maintain its present way of life and safeguard the "rule of law" when the territory becomes a Special Administrative Region of the PRC. Mr. Lee's message conveyed a pessimistic picture of the prospect for democracy in Hong Kong, given China's hostile position on Governor Patten's modest proposals for con- stitutional reform [see Update, nos. 9 & 10. p.l ff.], the breakdown of Sino-British negoti- ations in mid-November, and the projected tabling in Legco of the less controversial democratic proposals. Mr. Lee was particularly concerned about the concessions Britain had made to China in a modified proposal last August - lowering the voting eligibility in the functional con- stituency seats to only one-third of the work- ers and the division of the Election Commit- Lee. cont'd on page 8 UPDATE 7 Lee, cont'd from page 7 Mary Boyd (Foreign Affairs), Dr. Paul Evans (Director, JCAPS), Martin Lee, and Stephen Lam (Director, Hong Kong Economic & Trade Office). tee into four sectors - which meant after 1997 China would control not only the executive but also the legislature and the Election Committee. With the 17th round of talks over, he commented that not even a preliminary agreement was reached between Britain and China on the less controversial matters like the lowering of the voting age in Hong Kong to 18 (as in the PRC). When asked why Britain had "watered down" the proposals last summer. Mr. Lee felt that both the U.K. Foreign Office and British businessmen had put a lot of pressure on the government and Governor Patten. He found this very ominous [see B. Luk, "Unfolding Drama", pp. 1-4). He felt that the Hong Kong judiciary also could do little on its own after 1997 to main- tain the present "rule of law" and human rights in Hong Kong. The judiciary is ulti- mately bound to uphold the laws passed by the legislature, and a pro-Beijing Legco after 1997 could negate past legislation, including the 1991 Bill of Rights. Such a Legislative Council would be a useful tool to sidetrack the judiciary. He concluded that Hong Kong would become more like the present political system in Singapore. Lee was also very critical of Patten's amended proposals which were to be tabled in Legco by mid-December. He felt China would increase the pressure on conservative Legco members, and the proposals submitted were bound to be "watered down." Then Britain could say in the end that it had presented democratic reforms to the legislature and they had been rejected by the people of Hong Kong. However, since the majority of Legco is appointed ( less than one-third of the mem- bers are directly elected), the councillors are not really representative of the popular will of Hong Kong. Therefore. Mr. Lee strongly advocated that the Government of Hong Kong hold a referendum for Hong Kong voters on the con- stitutional reforms as originally proposed by Governor Patten in October 1992. In other words, if Britain is serious about establishing more democratic institutions in Hong Kong, they should "go to the people." When asked why Hong Kong needed democracy now since it had functioned well without such rep- resentative institutions in the past, Mr. Lee replied that ultimately the colonial govern- ment in Hong Kong had to answer to an elected British parliament, which had guaran- teed a rule of law. He asked a simple and poignant question: "How can the rule of law exist without democracy? Where does Hong Kong look for protection after 1997?" The afternoon talk was followed by a din- ner at the University of Toronto in honour of Mr. Lee with invited guests from the faculties of both universities and a representative of the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade. The dinner was hosted by Prof. Harry Arthurs, President Emeritus of York University, and Prof. Adel Sedra, Vice President and Provost of the University of Toronto. Other events during Martin Lee's visit to Toronto included a dinner on Sunday, November 28 with the Toronto Association for Democracy in China, hosted by its presi- dent, Dick Chan. The Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office also sponsored a meeting and luncheon with the local media on Monday, the 29th. On Tuesday. November 30. the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada, the Hong Kong-Canada Business Association (Toronto Section), and the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office sponsored a lunch at the Mandarin Club where Mr. Lee was the featured speaker. The luncheon was mainly attended by members of the local business community. During this speech. Mr. Lee warned busi- ness people against looking only to short term economic gain and ignoring political issues. He felt, in particular that business men and women should actively support the establishment of democratic institutions, the Bill of Rights, and the rule of law in the ter- ritory - measures that would insure the eco- nomic as well as political future of Hong Kong after 1997. ♦ 8 UPDATE Chinese Christian Churches in Metro Toronto by Fatima Lee University of Toronto Throughout Metro Toronto, especially in northern Scarborough and Willovvdale. one can easily spot brand new churches, which at first glance resemble any other Christian churches on Toronto streets. However, a sign on the front wall or lawn in Chinese charac- ters reveals a special quality - it is, in fact, a Chinese Christian church. Many such church- es are flourishing in these neighbourhoods, as well as in the suburbs of Markham and Thornhill. At a time when low church atten-